XI. king's right to grant CHAP. Besides, the right to Sept. are an unsafe reliance, for the them has itself been denied. life, and the right to liberty are inalienable." Jay 1774. of New York likewise recurred to the laws of nature. He would not admit the pretension to dominion founded on discovery, and he enumerated among natural rights, the right to emigrate, and the right of the emigrants to erect what government they pleased. John Rutledge, on the contrary, held that allegiance is inalienable; that the first emigrants had not had the right to elect their king; that American claims were derived from the British constitution rather than from the law of nature. But Sherman of Connecticut deduced allegiance from consent, without which the colonies were not bound by the act of settlement. Duane, like Rutledge, shrunk back from the appeal to the law of nature, and founded the power of government on property in land. Behind all these views lay the question of the power of parliament over the colonies. Dickinson, not yet a member of congress, was fully of opinion that no officer under the new establishment in Massachusetts ought to be acknowledged, but advocated "allowing to parliament the regulation of trade upon principles of necessity, and the mutual interest of both countries." "A right of regulating trade,” said Gadsden, true to the principle of 1765, "is a right of legislation, and a right of legislation in one case is a right in all;" and he denied the claim with peremptory energy. Amidst such varying opinions and theories, the congress, increased by delegates from North Carolina, and intent upon securing absolute unanimity, was Sept. CHAP. moving with great deliberation, and Galloway hoped XI. "the two parties would remain on an equal balance." 1774. But in that body there was a man who knew how to bring the enthusiasm of the people into connection with its representatives. "Samuel Adams," wrote Galloway, "though by no means remarkable for brilliant abilities, is equal to most men in popular intrigue, and the management of a faction. He eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, and thinks much, and is most decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his objects. He was the man who, by his superior application managed at once the faction in congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in New England." One express had brought from Massachusetts the proceedings of Middlesex; another having now arrived, on Saturday, the seventeenth of September, the delegates of Massachusetts laid before congress the address of the Suffolk county convention to Gage, on his seizure of the provincial stock of powder and his hostile occupation of the only approach to Boston by land; and the resolutions of the same convention which declared that no obedience was due to the acts of parliament affecting their colony. As the papers were read, expressions of esteem, love and admiration broke forth in generous and manly eloquence. In language which but faintly expressed their spirit, members from all the colonies declared their sympathy with their suffering countrymen in Massachusetts, most thoroughly approved the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to ministerial measures had hitherto been conducted, and earnestly recommended perseverance according to the resolutions of the county of Suffolk. Knowing XI. that a new parliament must soon be chosen, they ex- CHAP. pressed their trust "that the united efforts of North America would carry such conviction to the British 1774. Sept. nation of the unjust and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures." To this end they ordered their own resolutions with the communications from Suffolk county to be printed. But their appeal to the electors of Britain was anticipated. The inflexible king, weighing in advance the possible influence of the American congress, overruled Lord North, and on the last day of September suddenly dissolving parliament, he brought on the new election, before proposals for conciliation could be received. CHAPTER XII. THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS SEEKS TO AVERT INDEPENDENCE. SEPTEMBER-October, 1774. CHAP. GAGE, who came flushed with confidence in an easy XII. 1774. Sept. months was care-worn, With the forces under victory, at the end of four XII. Sept. arms, that New England was conspiring for independ- CHAP. ence. It was, moreover, insinuated, that if Massachusetts should once resume its old charter, and elect its governor, all New England would unite with her, and become strong enough to absorb the lands of other governments; that New Hampshire would occupy both slopes of the Green Mountains; that Massachusetts would seize the western territory of New York; while Connecticut would appropriate northern Pennsylvania, and compete with Virginia for the West. Out of Boston the power of Gage was at an end. In the county of Worcester, the male inhabitants from the age of sixteen to seventy, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and agreed that one-third part of the enrolled should hold themselves ready to march "at a minute's warning." "In time of peace, prepare for war," was the cry of the country. The frugal New England people increased their frugality. "As for me," wrote the wife of a member of congress, "T will seek wool and flax, and work willingly with my hands." Yet the poorest man in his distress would not accept employment from the British army; and the twelve nearest towns agreed to withhold from the troops every supply beyond what humanity required. But all the province, even to Falmouth, and beyond it, shared the sorrows of Boston, and cheered its inhabitants in their sufferings. "This much injured town," said the wife of John Adams, "like the body of a departed friend, has only put off its present glory, to rise finally to a more happy state." Nor did its citizens despair. Its newly elected representatives |