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with his people, forfeits their allegiance. By their CHAP. duty to God, their country, themselves and posterity, 1774. they pledged the county to maintain their civil and Sept. religious liberties, and to transmit them entire to future generations. They rejected as unconstitutional the regulating act of parliament and all the officers appointed under its authority. They enjoined the mandamus councillors to resign their places within 'eleven days. Attributing to the British commanderin-chief hostile intentions, they directed the collectors of taxes to pay over no money to the treasurer whom he recognised. The governor and council had formerly appointed all military officers; now that the legal council was no longer consulted, they advised the towns to elect for themselves officers of their militia from such as were inflexible friends to the rights of the people. For purposes of provincial government they advised a provincial congress, while they promised respect and submission to the continental congress. In reference to the present hostile appearances on the part of Great Britain, they expressed their determination "to act upon the defensive so long as such conduct might be vindicated by reason and the principles of self-preservation, but no longer." Should Gage arrest any one for political reasons, they promised to seize every crown officer in the province as hostages; and should it become necessary suddenly to summon assistance from the country, they arranged a system of couriers who were to bear written messages to the selectmen or corresponding committees of the several towns. The resolutions which thus concerted an armed resistance, were unanimously adopted, and forwarded by express

CHAP. to the continental congress for their consideration X. and advice. "In a cause so solemn," they said, 1774. "our conduct shall be such as to merit the approbation of the wise and the admiration of the brave and free, of every age and of every country."

Sept.

The good judgment and daring of Warren singled him out above all others then in the province, as the leader of "rebellion." The intrenchments on the neck placed all within the lines at the mercy of the army; yet fearless of heart, he hastened into the presence of Gage, to protest in the name of Suffolk county against the new fortifications that closed the town.

All the while the sufferings of Boston grew more and more severe; yet in the height of distress for want of employment, its carpenters refused to construct barracks for the army. Its inhabitants, who were all invited to share the hospitality of the interior, themselves desired to abandon the town, and even to see it in flames, rather than "to be totally enslaved" by remaining at home; but not knowing how to decide, they looked to congress for advice. Meantime the colony desired to guard against anarchy, by instituting a government of their own, for which they found historical precedents. In the days of William the Deliverer and Mary, Connecticut and Rhode Island had each resumed the charter of government, which James the Second had superseded; the people of Massachusetts now wished to revive their old charter; and continue allegiance to George the Third on no other terms than those which their ancestors had stipulated with Charles the First; "otherwise," said they, "the laws of God of nature, and of nations

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Sept.

oblige us to cast about for safety." "If the four New CHAP. England governments alone adopt the measure," said Hawley of Hampshire, "I will venture my life to 1774. carry it against the whole force of Great Britain." In the congress of Worcester county, a motion was made at once to reassume the old charter and elect a governor. Warren, careful lest the province should be thought to aim at greater advantages than the other colonies might be willing to contend for, sought first the consent of the continental congress; reminding its members that one colony of freemen would be a noble bulwark for all America.

New England had already surmounted its greatest difficulties; its enemies now placed their hopes on the supposed timidity of the general congress.

VOL. VII. 11*

CHAPTER XI.

THE CONTINENT SUPPORTS MASSACHUSETTS.

SEPTEMBER, 1774.

CHAP. AMONG the members elected to the continental con

XI. gress, Galloway of Philadelphia was so thoroughly 1774. royalist that he acted as a volunteer spy for the Sept. British government. To the delegates from other colonies, as they arrived, he insinuated that "commissioners with full powers should repair to the British court, after the example of the Roman, Grecian, and Macedonian colonies on occasions of the like nature; but his colleagues spurned the thought of sending envoys to dangle at the heels of a minister, and undergo the scorn of parliament. Yet there was great diversity of opinions respecting the proper modes of resisting the aggressions of the mother country, and conciliation was the ardent wish of all. The South Carolinians greeted the delegates of Massachusetts as the envoys of freedom herself; and the Virginians equalled or surpassed their colleagues in resoluteness and spirit; but all united in desiring to promote "the union of Great Britain and the colonies on a constitutional foundation."

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Sept.

On Monday the fifth day of September, the mem- CHAP. bers of congress, meeting at Smith's tavern, moved in a body to select the place for their deliberations. 1774. Galloway, the speaker of Pennsylvania, would have had them use the State House, but the carpenters of Philadelphia offered their plain but spacious hall; and from respect for the mechanics, it was accepted by a great majority. The names of the members were then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, representing eleven colonies, answered to the call. Peyton Randolph, late speaker of the assembly of Virginia, was nominated president by Lynch of Carolina, and was unanimously chosen. The body then named itself "the congress," and its chairman "the president." Jay and Duane would have selected a secretary from among the members themselves, but they found no support; and on the motion of Lynch, Charles Thomson was appointed without further opposition. The measures that were to have divided America bound them closely together. Colonies differing in religious opinions and in commercial interests, in every thing dependent on climate and labor, in usages and manners, swayed by reciprocal prejudices, and frequently quarrelling with each other respecting boundaries, found themselves united in one representative body, and deriving from that union a power that was to be felt throughout the civilized world.

Then arose the question, as to the method of voting. There were fifty-five members; each colony

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