"It is his business not merely to devise proper selective methods, but also to devise means whereby misfits in an industrial organization may be corrected, industrial disputes or causes of discontent avoided, and the physical, moral and intellectual well-being of the employees properly safeguarded and their development into greater fields of usefulness carefully studied and made effective."

It is in and into the spirit thus expressed that the Merit System has been growing for many years. The various laws and rules are largely uniform throughout the federal and state commissions; providing for the classification of positions, the examination of candidates, a probationary period, and promotion from lower to higher grades of employment. Usually in administering these principles, the commissions have honestly tried to apply to the public business the best common-sense principles of private business, realizing that the fundamental principles of public and private business are the same, with some differences in detail and even in the method of performance. In both, honesty, efficiency, accuracy, promptitude and an active interest in the success of the business are essential, and the larger the business the more fully these qualifications must be enforced by complete regulations, inspections and reports.

Competition is the spur to excellence in business life. The rules and regulations of the Government ought to be better than those of any great private corporation, and provide for its employees a fair competition in entrance and promotion; employment during satisfactory service, under proper working conditions, at reasonable wages and with a reasonable increase of compensation, and, in proper cases, a pension.

"By eliminating the elements of favoritism, nepotism and partisan recompense, it stimulates manly aspirations,

develops independence in thought and character, protects equally the rights of every citizen, and secures fair play against selfishness and presumptuous mediocrity."

The principle that the nation is willing to spend weeks and months in selecting its best citizen as its chief executive applies to every office all the way down the line, and entitles the people to the best available material at their command, even in the lowest offices. They are entitled to have the governmental laws, rules and regulations so framed and administered as to give them the best persons as public servants who are available for such service.

Examinations fail miserably if they put unworthy or unqualified men into office, or if they fail to put within the reach of appointing officers the men best fitted for the service required. The object of civil service examinations is to get candidates qualified for their work and have them tested by examinations which will show their qualifications in regard to the particular subject with which they have to deal, and also show that in their experience, intelligence and education they know something about the matters which they will be called upon officially to transact.

It has been comparatively easy, with the aid of all the presidents from Arthur down, to introduce civil service reform into the Federal Government, but what can be said of the state, county, city, village, town and other local governments which have been thoroughly poisoned by the Spoils System? In 1883, New York, under Governor Grover Cleveland, also passed a civil service law, and Massachusetts followed in 1884. For twenty years these were the only States under civil service law, although some of the cities of the country adopted the Merit Sys

tem. Two States, New York and Ohio, have constitutional provisions governing this subject. In three States, New York, Massachusetts and Ohio, all the cities have been put under civil service rules. California, Connecticut, Colorado, Illinois, Kansas, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Ohio and Wisconsin have laws applying to state officials; but thirty-eight States, or about eighty per cent. of the whole, have no state-wide law. Some or all of the cities in twenty-seven States have civil service. This makes a pretty poor showing upon the whole. No Southern State has a state law, and only ten Southern cities (including some in Texas, Kentucky, Virginia and Tennessee) have civil service provisions.

We must not forget that the pursuit and attempted obliteration of this evil has been due almost entirely to the efforts of far-sighted and public-spirited citizens who have seen the baleful effects of the present system. At their own expense and without official recognition or compensation, they have fought the people's battle against wrong business methods in the administration of the people's affairs, especially those which were purposive in their nature. Our history is filled with a noble band of prophets crying in the wilderness-who started their reforms by being branded as cranks, visionaries and even as crooks. All honor to these men and women who have undertaken and unceasingly carried forward the thankless task of saving us from ourselves. This reform is not primarily due to any public demand or any agitation and education through the political parties. The credit for it is due almost solely to the efforts of the National Civil Service Reform League and its associated bodies who have forced favorable action against the most determined open and covert opposition from the politicians.

XIX

HOW CHARITIES, CORRECTIONS AND THE PUBLIC HEALTH HAVE CAUSED

U

CENTRALIZATION

NDER the early English conceptions, the administration of charities and corrections was considered as local, individualistic and decentralized, and the same thoughts prevailed in the early colonial times. The English parishes handled the poor rates; but in the colonies, where there was no state church, this function largely ceased, except as each church congregation aided its own needy members. Each family was presumed to take care of its poor, its insane, deaf, dumb, blind and defectives. Later, the town, county and State successively assumed some of these responsibilities, until now state administration or supervision of charities is considered the only proper way to handle them. In like manner the village lockup gave way to the town gaol; that to the county jail or house of correction or penitentiary; and then there came the state prison and reformatory, with state supervision of prisons.

Up to the time of the Declaration of Independence and the formation of the first state constitutions, there had been decentralization in the colonies. At the very beginning, the royal governors had appointed substantially all local officials. In New York, the Dutch West India Company sent over directors general, and the Duke of York at first appointed governors who possessed supreme executive, legislative and judicial powers, not only over

the colony as a whole, but over all local affairs. The cities of New York and Albany and the towns on Long Island soon sought to change this. In 1691 a legislature was formed which immediately created elective county governments, and thereafter the powers of the executive were constantly decreased as those of the legislature and county authorities were increased.

As shown in Chapter XVII, substantially all power to appoint local officers was taken from the governor under New York's first constitution, in 1777, and vested in the Council of Appointment. The constitution of 1821 authorized the common councils of the cities to elect their mayors and the people of each county to elect sheriffs. Justices of the peace were made elective in 1826, and this right was extended as to other officers as the years went by. But the constitution of 1821 reserved to the governor the right to remove any sheriff, county clerk or register, upon charges after hearing; and later this rule was extended to embrace county coroners, district attorneys, superintendents of the poor and notaries public, and thereafter the centralization of the state government proceeded rapidly.

As to education, charities and corrections and the highways, this centralization was due to an economic condition. Neither the home, village, town or county could satisfactorily handle the problems arising in connection with the insane, the defective, deaf, dumb, blind, incorrigible and poor, because the local units were too small and poor. Also there is always a large number of these classes whose care should not be a charge upon any particular town or other local unit. This is especially true in New York City, with the millions of immigrants who have poured through its gates in the past hundred years. As our school system could not become great or satisfactory