We must show how, notwithstanding our ingrained English distrust of centralization and paternalism, we made our first essay in purposive government by setting our States and the nation to pay our dishonored Revolutionary obligations and other debts and to restore public and private credit by cashing out our only available asset, the unappropriated public lands. This has compelled the central and state governments, up to the present time, to make clear title to, survey, sell, defend and develop more than fifty times the area of New York State. Our States and the nation have raised and spent billions of dollars solely in opening and developing these lands, and in building, owning, operating or subsidizing toll or post roads, bridges, canals, stage coaches and lines, steamboats, railroads and other forms of internal transportation, and in aiding and protecting those who bought and settled upon these lands. Our post office grew because it was first developed as an active purposive agent to help the government to sell its lands by subsidizing or owning stage lines and by other like means. Quite contrary to all English precedents, we have developed education as a purposive function, until before this War twice as much money was annually raised by direct taxation for educational purposes as was raised by such means for the national expenses.

As a result of this development, more than eighty per cent. of the activities of our federal, state and local governments are purposive, of a kind unknown in our country before the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783, but begun on a large scale within six months thereafter.

The story of how such changes came about will demonstrate that a strong, trusted and stable central government by all the people, and not by classes, is an ab olute prerequisite for successful purposive government.

The wonderful growth of regulatory agencies will show the new governmental methods which must accompany purposive government. In a word, we shall prove, as we proceed, that the one distinguishing feature of American Democracy is the genesis of a unique form of government to help the people as an outgrowth of self-government by the people. We shall also prove the importance in our history of the strong checks and counterpoises which our forefathers provided against popular hysteria, and how, in these latter days, we are attempting to adapt the political parties so that they will serve purposive rather than political ends.

Few of our earlier experiments in government for the people were unqualified successes, but, on the contrary, were hampered by foolish or corrupt politics, and crude or false economic or social or political theories, and sometimes brought on or culminated in financial panics. Yet in all cases they were the endeavor of the people to get its full worth out of their political freedom which had been won after so many centuries of the struggles of their forefathers.

Thus we shall be able to set clearly before the world the origin, meaning and extent of purposive government as American Democracy has worked it out-slowly and often blunderingly, and perhaps without realizing what it was in fact doing. Also we shall demonstrate that the chief secret of our national success is that to-day we have far more purposive government and relatively less operative government than any other country on earth, and that under modern conditions a nation's true prosperity will be in proportion to its successful application of purposive government for the people as a whole and not by classes.

But, in addition, the world, and especially the Allied

world, must be warned that the path called "Marxian Socialism" is but a continuance of the road called "Prus sian Autocracy," and is full of the worst features of Prussianism. Therefore, to make our own case complete we must prove the truth about Prussian Marxism, and indicate the course which should be pursued toward it.

Karl Marx was a Prussian, educated in a Prussian university, and his writings display all the mental and moral characteristics of a Prussian. His political philosophy is based upon an autocratic Prussian state, in which the proletariat, and not the Kaiser, is to be the autocratthe dictatorship of the proletariat in a government based upon the exaggerated dominance of the State and of class hatred.

Marx's political theories have even less straightforwardness and altruism than the other members of the Prussian trinity-Prussian militarism and Prussian commercial methods. Like these, their basic characteristics, when opposed, are hatred, deceit, cruelty and other wickednesses which the Prussians have recently made so well known to the world. Marxian Socialists advocate and work for a ruthless social revolution by the proletariat throughout the world.

The Marxian state, besides being inherently criminal in its nature and methods, is also inherently unsafe because it is founded upon one class of the people; and history has demonstrated that any government by one class is sure to be oppressive, especially if the dominant class is the one least fitted by training for the business of governing.

Bolshevism, Spartacism and the I. W. W. are the legitimate brats of Prussian Marxism. Wherever Marxian Socialism becomes actually dominant in a country, its government is bound to be one of terrorism,

violence and chaos, and sooner or later society as we now know it will be subverted. All Marxian Socialists admit that violence is a part of their theory, and they differ only as to the degree and amount to be used.

Because of these things, and especially because of its Prussian theories and methods of thought and action, Marxism as a working hypothesis can never furnish a proper or safe basis for a constitution under which a people can live happily or safely, nor for an administration of government which will be strong, trusted or stable. Therefore, a Marxian purposive government can never be high in thought or practice, or for the safety and happiness of the people.

Hence any form of government, even a Prussian autocracy, is better than Prussian Marxism, which must not even be flirted with, much less adopted; for its adoption and use must inevitably spell the death of the people who shall be ruled by it. Therefore every step taken by the world along the path of actually applied Marxism is a step toward ultimate death. Each step thus taken must eventually be retraced, and the journey then to be undertaken on the right road must be with a people which is disheartened, debased and unfitted for the new adventure.

Our democracy has increasingly been for all the people without respect of class. This was so even when only freeholders and those with a fixed income, the bourgeoisie, could vote. Much more must it be so from now on when all men and women are substantially equal before the law. Our chief danger in the future lies in the fact that a majority of our voters may be led away into the jungles of Prussian Marxism, which, under the seductive name of Socialism, always seeks to crystallize" the people " into classes and then stir up conflict and hatred between those classes.

Hence our answer to the world is that it must turn to Democracy as the true road toward purposive government, and seek better purposive government and more and more of it—not unconsciously and blindly, but more and more intelligently, wisely and unselfishly, and as the greatly-to-be-desired object of all liberal government. Furthermore, notwithstanding our failures and mistakes have been many as we endeavored to make bricks without straw and to evolve new instrumentalities to meet our novel problems, yet our progress has been steady and sure; while Marxism, even with the benefit of over one hundred and forty years of our experience, has brought only chaos and ruin in its very first actual application.

As our study progresses, the thought will recur constantly that Marxism would have failed absolutely to furnish the constructive power to work out successfully the problems which democracy triumphantly conquered.