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to carnage, you shuddered at beholding the prosperity of the Continent, like the devils in Milton, on beholding the happiness of the first pair: and, to dissipate your sombre spleen, you have procured yourself the horrid spectacle of the burning of Copenhagen. You have just seen two great nations concur to terminate the war, and presently, to console yourself for the cessation of these calamities, you recur to new scenes of destruction and of massacre! Since such is your instinct, follow it; but spare your irony to the wretches whom you ruin. Now that the two Castiles, La Mancha, Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, the kingdom of Leon, the province of Salamanca, Catalonia, three-fourths of Valencia, &c. are in our power, you would collect the Cortes. You talk of political assemblies to men who have no other spring of action, no other energy, than fanaticism and superstition. Where are these Cortes to meet, unless on board your fleets? But you believe not a word of what you tell us, and London believes it still less. There are too many English in Spain for you to deceive your nation on the true state of affairs in that country. Your object is solely to excite the Spaniards to combat the French, while you are flying to your ships. Continental wars secure you the empire of the seas. You behold the French and the Spaniards destroying each other. "They are enemies," you say, "that are fighting: Shall we be so senseless not to irritate their quarrels, or not to furnish them with arms? Do not the Spaniards pay for our fatal presents in a manner most valuable to us? They pay for them with their own blood." This passage completes the developement of your conduct, and furnishes every thinking man with a new subject of malediction against you.

We remark in the same paragraph another prostitution of the sovereign power. -It speaks of Ferdinand VII. as if the King Charles IV. did no longer exist, or as if the son could be possessed of any right, during the father's life. What would George III. say, were the Prince of Wales, with this speech in his hand, to ascend the Throne; and if, at the head of the guards at Windsor, and of the people of London, he confined his blind and aged father in the Tower? We cannot deny that Europe would be authorized to say, in such a case, "You have well deserved this."-What doctrine for a King who has a son 40 years old! What error! What immorality!

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Thus, because the consequence of a revolution of valets and of guards has been, that a king, spotless on the throne, has been precipitated from it by his son, you acknowledge Ferdinand VII! This word alone, sufficiently explains your intrigues in the affairs of Spain. You acknowledge Ferdinand, because you have seduced those around him, and that you have made use of the Duke Del' Infantado to drag him into plots against his father and his mother, under the pretext of attacking the Prince of Peace. The plan settled by your partizans was, that immediately King Charles was dethroned, the places should have been provided with ammunition, and strengthened; troops marched towards the Pyrenees have changed afterwards the system, and concluded the peace with England. You knew sufficiently the character of the Emperor of the French, to be convinced that he would not agree, and that France would attack Spain; and you thought that the latter would be compelled to throw herself into your arms, and become your slave! Behold the knot and the secret of the affairs of Spain!-Your partizans have openly displayed their plots. Your dreadful intrigues had succeeded in arming the son against the father. King Charles, perceiving his life threatened, called for the support of his ally, and the assistance of his army; and he is come with the Queen, to seck, in the bosom of the French army, a shelter from the fury of the mob.

Were it possible even to think that a son was capable of possessing any right to the throne during the life of his father, has not Ferdinand renounced all his rights? And has not his renunciation been unconstrained and voluntary? This Speech will ever remain famous, as a monument of inconsistency, and of that corruption of political morals which foretels the dissolution of governments, and the downfall of thrones.

The King of Sweden, the most faithful ally of England, is overthrown-instead of supporting him, of extending to him the hand of assistance, or, at least, of averting the eye from so afflicting a spectacle, they acknowledge and they approve, in this speech, every thing that has taken place in Sweden. They afterwards acknowledge, during the father's life, the rights of the son, who has never yet reigned.

One of the principal traits in the English character is this facility of playing with that, than which nothing more sacred exists! Gustavus IV. is dethroned, and immediately he is denied and disowned:

You say with Peter-" I know not the man whom ye speak of." Charles IV. is deposed, and you acknowledged a right in the mob to settle the throne. In a word, you call a legitimate government, and treat as such, a factious set, who style themselves Junta, and who speak in the name of Ferdinand the VII. who disowns them, and who abhors wretches, whose only wish is to ruin their country for the advantage of England, whilst the authority of the name of Ferdinand was used only by vagabonds.

We have disdained to be explicit; but since this name is uttered from the summit of the Throne of England, it will perhaps be not deemed unreasonable to place before the public, all the documents concerning this cause.

When the partizans of England had exited the commotions at Aranjuez, when King Charles, with a pistol at his breast, had been compelled to abandon his throne in favour of his son, the King and the Queen applied to the General, who commanded the French army, placed themselves under his protection, and demanded the assistance of his ally.-[Here the Moniteur has the following note:

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"In the justificatory pieces printed at "the end of these observations, will be "found, the letter in which the King of Spain announced, the 18th of March "1808, to the emperor, that he had accepted the resignation of the Prince of "Peace. On the 20th, he wrote to the Emperor, that he had abdicated in fa"your of his son, and the Emperor disco"vered by this letter, (so different from "the preceding,) that the King had not "acted voluntarily. These two letters "will be found at No. 1, and 2; and, at No. 3, will be evidently seen, that King "Charles availed himself of the first op"portunity to protest against his abdicaThe letters of the King, the "Queen, and the ancient Queen of Etruria, "at the following numbers, prove how "much the King was terrified at the vio"lence of the seditious, and manifest the` "resentment he entertained against his "son."]

❝tion.

Ferdinand entered Madrid. The Emperor, in order to be nearer to the theatre of these great events, came to Bayonne. (Moniteur-Note.)-" The Emperor re"ceived, on the road, the letter of Prince "Ferdinand, printed afterwards at No. "-, and which was forwarded to him at "Tours, by the Chamberlain, Ferdinand Nunez."]

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The King asked to come and meet him there, and thither did his son repair also; they both proposed to take the Emperor for their judge and arbitrator; all the world knows well that King Charles and Ferdinand came to Bayonne spontaneously, and that no power of the Emperor could have caused them to have come otherwise.-Ferdinand was still at Vittoria, and in the centre of his partisans, and of his troops, when the Emperor wrote, to invite him, the letter annexed, No. The Emperor proposed to King Charles, to re-establish him on his throne; but the King, overwhelmed with infirmities, his mind alarmed at the dangers which he had just experienced, and viewing with horror the conduct of his son, and the excesses committed by an ungovernable populace, preferred to enjoy peaceable days in retirement, and ceded all his rights to the Emperor Napoleon. All those who were then at Bayonne, and who have been witness to the august anger of the aged King, every time that his son has presented himself before him, will carry to posterity the impression which it has made to their minds; the arbitratory sentence could not have been mistaken; it was a subject on which any one was capable of deciding. A son armed against his father! It was the cause of all Kings: a son, surrounded by the partisans of England, and wresting the Crown from his father, because he had been the faithful ally of France. It was, besides, the cause of France! The Emperor informed the Prince of Austurias, that he was no longer to reign over Spain; that the King had ceded to him his rights; and that he wished to exercise his own rights; nevertheless, a proposal was made to him to return to Spain, and promised a safe convoy, when the Emperor declared, that he would wage war against him, with all the forces of France, to deliver Spain from the influence of the English.

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(Note.) A letter from Prince Ferdi"nand, written during his stay at Bay"onne, (and printed below) evinces what "would his disposition have been towards

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France, had he ascended the Spanish "throne."]

Ferdinand, in whom the reproaches of his father had caused remorse, who was dismayed at what he had seen in Spain, and who felt that nature had formed him to sit upon a tranquil throne, not to maintain his power in the midst of dreadful storms, would not re-enter Spain without

To fight, they must have easy successes and an immediate object.

a promise from France that the French armies should be withdrawn, or placed under his orders. It was the duty of the (Speech.)" His Majesty has received. Emperor, to make war for the mainte- " the strongest assurances from the Amenance of the rights of his crown, and "rican Minister resident at this Court that those which had been ceded to him by "the United States are desirous of mainCharles IV. and to destroy the projects of" taining friendly relations between the the partisans of England. Ferdinand pre- "two countries. This desire will be met ferred securing to himself a peaceful life;" by a corresponding disposition on the lie adhered to his father's step, and re- "part of His Majesty." nounced all his rights to the throne. The letters of Prince Ferdinand, annexed here to, prove all these assertions, and it were vain to search for a single letter of his containing an assertion to the contrary.

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[Note. His letters to the Emperor, "since he has resided at Valency, are also "added.—Such letters require no com"ment."]

We know, further, that the Emperor made known to the Ambassadors of several Powers of Europe, that if Ferdinand wished to return to Spain, he was free to do so; and that he should be escorted by French troops to whatever part he should choose but that France would immediately make war upon him, and would never suffer him to reign. But Ferdinand despises the brigands who use his name to desolate Spain; and it might even be proved, by letters from Saragossa and Seville, which the seditious endeavoured to convey to Ferdinand, but which were intercepted, that he has never had any correspondence with Spain, and has neither authorised nor approved any of the pretended governments there, which abuse

(Moniteur.)-We scarcely know which to admire most, the pusillanimity of Eng land towards Sweden, her irony towards Spain, or her conduct towards the United States. The latter have just rejected your Jackson-Jackson, who ever bears written in his face the name of Copenhagen, and who is so stigmatized, that every relation with him can only produce dishonour! They have laid an embargo on your ves sels; they have been deaf to your intrigues, and you are become humble, pliant and mild! You consider yourselves happy that the United States have not determined to make war upon you. Whence this language? men ask one another with astonishment. It shews a pusillanimity highly worthy of the rest of the speech. There is nothing to gain by war with America, and with you every thing is done for gold. Men only fight for gain, and it is only for gold you shed your blood. Thinking men see, on the banners of your troops, in lieu of the leopards of your ar mories, those symbols of nobility and of chivalry, bales of sugar, of tea, and of coffee. It is for these you fight. Your commerce would reap no profit from war King Charles has ceded to the Emperor with the United States, and from that all his rights to the throne; the Spanish moment you are deaf to every insult. Princes have also ceded to him theirs. (Speech.) He commands us to ex(See the treaties printed herewith). King" press how deeply he regrets the pressure Joseph then is alone the King of Spain." upon his subjects, which the protracted All the efforts which the English have "continuance of the war renders inehitherto made to prevent his power from" vitable." being recognized by all Spain, have proved abortive, and impotent. All we desire is, that, as the speech from the throne says, England may continue a contest with France single-handed, and that she may seriously engage her men and money on the Continent. But we are convinced, these protestations are merely a snare for the unfortunate Spaniards, and that the English have determined to abandon them.

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(Moniteur.)-France makes war without increasing her taxes; they have been con siderably diminished, and they are diminishing every day; but yours are increas ing in a dreadful progression. Be consist ent: if you are obliged every year to have recourse to enormous loans to pay your deficit, how can you support a perpetual war. (To be continued.)

LONDON :-Printed by T. C. HANSARD, Peterborough Court, Fleet - Street Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall.

VOL. XVII. No. 9.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 3, 1810.

[Price 18.

There is a sinecure place, which is, at present, held by the EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE (late Lord Hobart), which place is worth £.11,094, or, in words, eleven thousand and ninety-four pounds, a year. The reversion of this enormous salary, that is to say, the possession of it after the present possessor's death, has been obtained and secured by LORD HARDWICKE, not only for himself during his life, but, beyond that, for the lives of his two sons; and, this Lord Hardwicke is, as the reader will recollect, a brother of MR. Charles YorkE.

MR. CHARLES YORKE, of whom the public has, within the last twelve months, heard so much; that Mr. Charles Yorke, who, upon Mr. Wardle's opening of the Charges against our late Chieftain, solemnly declared his belief that there was a Jacobinical Conspiracy on foot against the illustrious House of Brunswick; that Mr. Charles Yorke, who, from the moment the Walcheren Inquiry began, moved the Standing Order for shutting the Debate Reporters out of the Gallery; that Mr. Charles Yorke, who, when a motion was made for Inquiry, which motion was opposed by the minister, declared that he thought it his duty to stand by the minister, because the minister had resolved to stand by the king; aye, that very Mr. Charles Yorke, has, within this week, received through the hands of that same minister, a grant, for life, of a sinecure place, (or place where nothing is to be done) called a Tellership of the Exchequer, worth £. 2,700 a year; that is to say, he has this secured, for his whole lifetime, two thousand seven hundred pounds a year to be paid to him out of the taxes, raised upon the people of England.

321]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

[322 "consideration of his merits. He re

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gretted that the unquestioned and unMR. YORKE. -My motto speaks so "questionable merits of a lamented officer plainly, and says so nearly all that is ne- "had not been more attended to. He cessary to be said about this man and his thought that the glorious services of the sinecure, that I can hardly bring myself to" immortal Hero of Corunna had not yet say another word upon the subject, though" been answered by the public gratitude I shall certainly, I think, repeat the motto" as they ought to have been."I caneight or nine times a year as long as I not let this go, without expressing my have the means of repeating it at all.dissent to all of it, except that passage, On the 26th of last month some notice which contains a disapproval of giving was taken of this sinecure, in the House of the sinecure to Mr. Yorke. In that reCommons. In debating about the pension spect I perfectly agree with Sir John of two thousand a year for Baron Douro, Newport; but, in no other part of his Sir JOHN NEWPORT said that in conse-speech. I would not have given Baron "quence of the late melancholy fate of a Douro and Viscount Talavera a sixpence "much respected and justly-valued friend, a year; and, of course, I would not have "an occasion had presented itself to mi- given him 2,7001. under the name of a "nisters amply to remunerate the services of Teller of the Exchequer. It is my opi"Lord Wellington, without making any ad- nion, for reasons repeatedly given, tha "dition to the public burthens (Hear! hear!). he deserves no money at all out of o re "No sooner, however, had the lamented taxes; nay, no more than Mr. Yorne "fate of his regretted friend (Mr. Eden) does; and, why, if that be the case, should "been ascertained, than the Tellership of he have any of it? I agree with the Citi"the Exchequer was conferred upon a zens of London; that the grant of a penperson, of whose services Ministers sion to him at all is a waste, a pure waste, might have had such an opinion as to of the public money; and, so thinking, 1, "think that if he fought no battles of course, should have objected to the giv "abroad, he had at least fought some at ing of the sinecure to him, for, in both "home. He thought that the Bill should cases, the money comes out of the public "not be now pressed, if it was only in purse.--Nor do I concur in Sir John "common respect to the Petition of so Newport's opinion relative to Sir John respectable a body as the Corporation Moore's campaign. I know of no "glo"of the City of London-a Petition that rious services" that Sir John Moore ever "put the question in the clearest and sim- performed; and I do think, that it is a plest point of view. He admitted the monstrous exaggeration to call him an "gallantry of Lord Wellington, but though "immortal hero." He was penned up at this a question not involving merely the Corunna, and fought for his life and li

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"the public, are yet to be made known;" but, what services, in behalf of the public, had Mr. Yorke's predecessor ever performed? "Reply!" What difficulty will the minister have in making a reply to any observations, made upon the bestowing of this fat place? What reply is necessary to any one, who is for keeping up the sinecure system? Mr. Perceval has more than sufficient materials for a reply, at any time when he has a mind to make it. To those, indeed, who hold, that this dreadful system of sinecures ought to be abolished to such persons he would find it difficult to answer, except in some form of legal or parlia mentary proceeding; but, to those who are for maintaining the system of sinecures, he has only to tell them, that they have done the like, and would, if they could, do the like again; for the truth of which assertion the whole nation would give him credit.

berty. It was not'a battle of his choice. He would, and he ought, to have escaped without fighting, if he could. That he was blameless is not, after all, quite clear to me, nor, I believe, to any unprejudiced man; but, if we acquit him of blame, let us not trumpet him forth as meriting the highest of praise.--I have observed, in several of the speeches of members on the same side with Sir John Newport, endeavours, as they appear to me, to prepare the way for some pension, or grant of some sort, to the relations of Sir John Moore. And, for what, I should be glad to know? Never, until these days, was such a proposition, in such a case, made or thought of. It really would seem, that the two sides of the House are like the man and his wife in the fable, who, purely for the sake of mortifying one another, gave away the whole of their dinner to a set of beggars, there being, however, this distinctive circumstance to notice; namely; that the man and wife gave away what be- ARMY ESTIMATES,-Mr. Wardle,-Mr. longed to themselves.- Each side must Huskisson, Foreign Troops and Lord Mahave its heroes. To hear the debates and hon.The reader will not have forgotthe thanks and the messages, one would ten, that, at the close of the last session of really be tempted to suppose, that our parliament, MR. WARDLE, being thereunto armies had just returned from the con- urged by Messrs. Tierney and Huskisson, quest of the world; and, surely, no human brought forward a detail of the savings, being would imagine that, while all this which, he asserted, might be made. The high-flown language is in use, we are general answer to his statement was, that seriously considering, how we shall be it was easy enough to save money by disable to defend even our own fire-sides banding soldiers and putting down establishagainst the attacks of an enemy whom ments, and taking away pensions and places; our forefathers held in contempt.. but that none of these ought to take place, Mr. HENRY MARTIN said upon the same and, of course, that the plan of savings occasion," that the very important and was all moonshine. Mr. Huskisson was the pressing observation made by the Right official answerer, and though I have not his Hon. Baronet, on the filling up the va- speech now before me, I am almost certain, cancy of the Tellership of the Exche- that (albeit not of the liveliest turn) he "quer, had not been thought worthy of did actually attempt to crack something some reply from any of his Majesty's Mi- like jokes at the idea of saving money in "nisters. He felt satisfied, that if Mi- war time by the reducing of military corps. "nisters had advised his Majesty to confer He attempted to turn this into ridicule; that place upon Lord Wellington, there and, indeed, there was no part of Mr. was not a man in that House who would Wardle's statement; none of his proposi** have questioned the propriety of the appoint- tions; none of his sentiments, of which With respect to the Gentleman he did not express his disapprobation; upon whom that appointment had fallen, but the main burden of his ridicule was, he believed that his services in behalf the proposition of Mr. Wardle to reduce of the public were yet to be made known." part of our force during war. -Well, -Now, in saying, that there was not a what has happened now? Why, the Seman in the House, who would have ques-cretary at War has come forward with tioned the propriety for giving 2,700l. a year, for life, to Viscount Talavera de la Reyna, I have not the smallest doubt, that Mr. Martin was mistaken; and, indeed, I know he was. It is very true, that the services of Mr. Yorke, in behalf of

46

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an Estimate, in which some, at least, of
Mr. Wardle's propositions have been
adopted. Mr. Wardle proposed to re-
duce the Household troops, the dragoon
guards, and dragoons, so as to produce a
saving of 413,000l. a year.
He also

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