the vast majority of the Irish population who are yet unexpelled, backed by the support or sympathy of the Irish in Australia and Canada, and the United States and Great Britain, "would not," says the Second Report of the League, "fail this time, provided that the Irish nationalists bring the quality of earnest perseverance to their task, undeterred by the occasional defeats which are always incidental to the struggles for just freedom against power." "With the examples before us," says the Report, "of Canada, the Cape, the Australian colonies, the Ionian isles, all which states have obtained self-government, we have reason to apprehend no obstinate resistance to such a movement if renewed in these times." The American Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, has expressed strong opinions on the subject of the Union. Writing in 1853, as appears by the Boston Pilot, he says, when describing a visit to the Irish Parliament House, "While traversing its apartments, I reverted to the debate when the degenerate representatives surrendered their parliament; and I thought that had I occupied a place there, I would have seen English armies wade in blood over my country before I would have assented to so disgraceful a Union." Again, in the same letter, Mr. Seward says, "I confess that, overleaping all obstacles which are deemed by many well-wishers of Ireland insurmountable, I wish the repeal of the Union. I will not believe that if relieved of that oppressive act, she does not possess the ability to govern herself." Mr. Seward is quite right. Ireland, after 1782, displayed an ability for self-government that resulted in great national prosperity-how and by whom overthrown the reader knows. Prior to that date the usurped power of the English parliament had produced a state of things unfavourable to the development of Irish intellect, even among the Protestants. The Catholic Irish of ability and ambition were compelled by penal laws to seek foreign fields for the exercise of their mental qualities. As to the stuff they were made of, hear the evidence of Dean Swift: "I cannot," says the Dean, "but highly esteem those gentlemen of Ireland who, with all the disadvantages of being exiles and strangers, have been able to distinguish themselves by their valour and conduct in so many parts of Europe, I think above all other nations; which ought to make the English ashamed of the reproaches they cast on the ignorance, the dulness, and the want of courage in the Irish natives; those defects, wherever they happen, arising only from the poverty and slavery they suffer from their inhuman neighbours, and the base, corrupt spirit of too many of the chief gentry."* Lord Macaulay, who had certainly no Irish sympathies, bears similar testimony to the fertility of Ireland in mental wealth. Speaking of the Irish whom the penal laws sent to seek their fortunes abroad, his lordship says: "There were indeed Irish Roman Catholics of great ability, energy, and ambition; but they were to be found everywhere except in Ireland-at Versailles and St. Ildefonso, in the armies of Frederick and in the armies of Maria Theresa. One exile became a Marshal of France. Another became Prime Minister of Spain. In his palace at Madrid he had the pleasure of being assiduously courted by the ambassadors of George II., and of bidding defiance in high terms to the ambassador of George III. Scattered all over Europe were to be found brave Irish generals, dexterous Irish diplomatists, Irish counts, Irish barons, Irish knights of St. Louis and St. Leopold, of the White Eagle and of the Golden Fleece."t Such is Macaulay's description of Irish Catholic intellect in exile. Of Irish Protestant intellect at home we have noble representatives in Malone, Pery, Flood, Foster, Yelverton, Grattan, Curran, Saurin, Plunket, Bushe, Goold, Butt, Whiteside, and numerous others. Our American sympathiser, Mr. Secretary Seward, does not assume too much when he states his belief that a country so prolific of high intellectual qualities possesses the ability to govern herself. Independence quickly teaches its own uses. The brave Irish generals, the dexterous Irish diplomatists, of whom Macaulay speaks, were as competent to regulate the military and political affairs of their own country as to lead the armies and govern the councils of the foreign lands where fate had placed them. The penal laws deprived Ireland of the services of her Catholic intellect. The Union deprives Ireland of the best and highest services of her intellect, both Catholic and Protestant; for it banishes the legislative body in which that intellect could find its greatest, its noblest, its most useful exercise. In 1864 Colonel (now General) Dunne, member for the Queen's county, obtained, but not without much difficulty, a committee to investigate the question of Irish taxation. It included eight English and seven Irish members. In the *Swift to Sir Charles Wogan, July, 1732. + History of England, chapter xvii. proceedings of that committee, as I have elsewhere remarked,* there is nothing more constantly and prominently manifest than that the English members assume as an axiom that Ireland has no right to her own revenues. "England, under the convenient name of the Empire,' is assumed to be the rightful owner of the revenues of Ireland. England, in their view, is entitled to grasp all the Irish revenue she can lay hold on, and is not bound to refund anything. The Union is practically interpreted to be an identification of burthens and of taxes, but not of benefits or of expenditure. The Empire' means England when there is question of outlay, but it is held to include Ireland when there is question of taxation. The English members disregard the disparity of the two pre-Union debts, which, although it is the very pith and marrow of our case, yet forms no part of the ground on which Sir Stafford Northcote appears to have arrived at the conclusions in his report." Yet in spite of the foregone conclusions of the English members, General Dunne succeeded in extorting an admission that Ireland is grievously and disproportionately over-taxed. The General, on this fiscal question, is an excellent and patriotic Irish agitator. His meritorious labours are appropriately mentioned in this work; for one of the standing complaints of the Repealers is the great fiscal wrong done to Ireland. On the 17th June, 1864, Smith O'Brien, whose health had been for some time declining, died in Wales. I need not say that his death caused heartfelt grief, not only among those who personally knew and loved him, but among the millions of his countrymen who revered him as a brave and honest man, and a true Protestant patriot. His remains reached Dublin in the Cambria steamer at about four o'clock in the morning of the 23rd, and were met by a sorrowing crowd, who had in many instances remained up all night to be present at the arrival of the vessel. A procession was formed through the city to the Kingsbridge terminus; the number of persons who attended at that early hour were computed at 20,000. O'Brien's remains were interred at Rathronan, in the county Limerick. He had reached his sixty-first year. Requiescat in pace. *Speech delivered at the National League, 7th November, 1865. For statements on this subject see the Appendix. CHAPTER XXVI. "Can the depths of the ocean afford you not graves, THE reader who has accompanied me thus far will have seen that ample provocatives exist in Ireland for that discontent which, when coloured by American connexion, assumes the shape of Fenianism. I have elsewhere examined the causes of the Fenian phenomenon ;* which is in my judgment the direct result of the Legislative Union. Yet the The popular discontent I regard as not only legitimate, but inevitable. The Fenian attempts at redressing the national wrong were absurd, ill-conceived, ill-contrived, treasonable, and impracticable. The National Association, which comprises all, or nearly all, the Catholic bishops and a large number of clergymen, earnestly invited the people to support it. The National League, instituted by Mr. Martin and The O'Donoghoe, sent forth a similar invitation. The objects of both those societies are in the highest degree popular. great body of the people held aloof, because they were destitute of confidence in the imperial parliament, to which the appeals for removal of wrongs were to be addressed by the two societies I have named; and because they had taken up a vague idea that conquering hosts were speedily to come from America and set all right. This idea was very prevalent, and in my intercourse with the peasantry I found it extremely difficult to dispel the delusion. A particular day would be fixed by Fenian agents for the landing of the armament; and when the day would arrive, bringing with it no armament, another day would be named, and another, and another; successive postponements still leaving the popular credulity undiminished. The number of signatures to petitions for disendowing the State Church amounted in 1866 to no less than 202,632. This number does not represent the whole, for many petitions were rejected in consequence of informality. The number would have been much greater if the people had confidence in the imperial legislature. The signatures to petitions for a change in the land laws amounted, during the same year, to *In a small pamphlet entitled, "Why is Ireland Discontented?" published by Mullany, Dublin, price two-pence. reis fine romina. 18 I have elsewhere remarked,* Late $ 1 LITE DESCMAy and prominently manifest zo za zengist members assume as an axiom that “England, under LCL06 ff de Empire' is assumed to be the ITUT I DE FEnes of Ireland England, in their cils 1 pat the insi revenue she can lay 2. má s 17 komi ar reimi amping. The Union is nau- mammaet a be in Jörundradea of burthens and LA JE DA II Jeteños or of agere. The Empire' Infral via 29 s pestra of clay, but it is held 21 Vid des gestion of taxation. The es istri ne isparity of the two pre-Union LILIT Í F The very push and marrow of our THEN THE of the good te which Sir Stafford ACASA LA ammel in the eccclusions in his a of Se frierne erochsites of the English Omne storelei in exiring an admission s mest bi isproportcently over-taxed. nas ise peste sa excellent and Es beccarios libears are appro2-3 228 VICk: fie one of the standing comdie Zegraers is the great seal wrong done to 7me. 1984. Smith Brien, whose health had me betiming, het n Wies. I need not say rusel beardka gred no cly among those *NIL” Dv and frei in bat among the millions dla a 121 1 viu seurai tim as a brave and honest His remains reached 2% 28 Canima steamer in som four o'clock in the ¤ mag a de Clei, ani vere me by a sorrowing crowd, who 1 2 12* sales remized my tight to be present at A percessite was formed through * Instele armins; the number of persons Wir stehend in the any he were computed at 20,000. Fred & Relais vice named as Bithroman, in the county Land He had reached his sny-drst year. Requiescat |