CHAP. V. 1816. The Radical leader. nymous terms. Scott, when he talks of rebels in arms, always styles them Radicals.1 Radicalism is a spirit,' wrote the vicar of Harrow in 1820, of which the first elements are a rejection of Scripture, and a contempt of all the institutions of your country, and of which the results, unless averted by a merciful Providence, must be anarchy, atheism, and universal ruin.' 2. Few men would doubt now that Brougham began life as a Radical. The Radicals,' he wrote in 1819, 'have made themselves so odious that a number even of our own way of thinking would be well enough pleased to see them and their vile press put down at all hazards.' The word 'Radical,' in short, in 1816 bore a totally different meaning from that which it bears now. It is impossible to understand the history of 1816 without appreciating the sense in which the word Radical' was used at that time. 6 The leader of the Radicals was the once well-known 'Orator' Hunt. 'Hunt,' wrote Romilly, was 'the friend of Cobbett, and a friend worthy of him-that is, a most unprincipled demagogue.'s Hunt was a gentleman of some property in Somersetshire, and was a liveryman of London. He had gained some little political notoriety by standing for Bristol at the general election of 1812, and he had distinguished himself on that occasion by a merciless abuse of almost every leading public man. But Hunt, though he aspired to the lead of the Radical mob, was in reality in the hands of the wildest agitators. At the close of 1816 a small body of obscure men, lodging in different places in London, were devising the most extraordinary plots against the Government. Among them was Thistlewood, whose desperate designs subse 1 Lockhart's Scott, pp. 412, 415, 430. Ann. Reg., 1820 Chron. pp. 104, 119, 126. Knight, in the first book of Miss Martineau's Hist. of the Thirty Years' Peace, p. 226, says that the Reformers were first called Radicals in 1819. The statement is erroneous. See, for instance, Hansard, vol. xxxvi. p. 761, where J. W. Ward, speaking in 1817, uses the expression and defines it. Ibid., p. 418. 3 Romilly, vol. iii. p. 55. Ann. Reg., 1820 Chron. P. 877. V. 1816. quently won for him an unenviable notoriety; Watson, CHAP. 'with a better heart than head,' an indigent member of the medical profession; Watson's son; Preston; Hooper; Castle, and one or two others. These men persuaded themselves that it was a very easy matter to subvert the Government, and to establish a Committee of Public Safety. They proposed-if the evidence of Castle can be relied on-to fire the barracks, to march on the Tower, and to trust to fortune or Providence for the success of their scheme. With the view of carrying out this notable plan they actually obtained some 250 pikeheads; they attempted to hire a vacant house near one of the barracks; and they treated any soldiers with whom they happened to be thrown into contact with gallons of beer. Even these miserable details rested on the evidence of Castle; and Castle was one of the most contemptible witnesses that had ever appeared in a court of justice. He had been charged, some years before, with uttering forged notes, and had saved himself by turning informer. The man against whom he had appeared on that occasion had been hanged. The same thing had occurred on another occasion: Castle had turned informer, one of his gang had been hanged, and a second transported. He had since that time been living in a disreputable house in King Street, Soho. He had now turned informer again. Such was the man on whose evidence the theory of an insurrection against the Government mainly rested. If his story were true the most powerful constitution in the world was to be overturned by some half-dozen desperate conspirators. The more formidable features of the design. were, however, soon abandoned. The conspirators made up their mind that it was no easy matter to fire the barracks, and devoted their energies to the convening of a large meeting. A placard was issued calling a meeting of the distressed manufacturers, artisans, and others of the 1 Bamford, vol. i. P. 24. V. 1816. The Spa Fields riot. CHAP. Cities of London and Westminster, the Borough of Southwark, and parts adjacent, in Spa Fields, on Friday, the 15th of November, at 12 o'clock, to take into consideration the propriety of petitioning the Prince Regent and the Legislature to adopt immediately such means as will relieve the sufferers from the misery which now overwhelms them.'1 The meeting was held. Inflammatory speeches were made at it; and an adjournment was agreed on to the 2nd of December, ostensibly to receive the Regent's answer to the petition. A new placard was prepared for the adjourned meeting. The placard was headed, England expects every man to do his duty.' It stated that the meeting was held to receive the Regent's answer, and for other important considerations; and it went on to describe 6 The present state of Great Britain. Four millions embarrassed!!! One million and a half fear distress!!! Half a million live in splendid luxury !!! Our brothers in Ireland are in a worse state. Hunt, who had been the principal speaker on the 15th of November, was again expected to take a prominent part in the proceedings. But Hunt had probably a very shrewd anticipation that the meeting was likely to lead to a riot, and was late. The meeting had been announced for twelve o'clock. Hunt chose to think that' one o'clock was the time,' and at twenty minutes to one was quietly driving along Cheapside. In the meanwhile Watson, Thistlewood, and their friends had proceeded to Spa Fields. A wagon which had been placed in the centre of the Fields was used as a platform. The 2 Ibid., p. 86. 1 State Trials, vol. xxxii. 68. elder Watson mounted the wagon and made an inflam- 1 A full account of the Spa Fields riot wi. be found in State Trials, vol. xxxii. pp. 1-674. Castle's evidence CHAP. V. 1816. СНАР, V. 1816 There was no doubt that a serious riot had occurred in the metropolis, or that its ringleaders thoroughly deserved punishment. Some time, however, elapsed before the more formidable among them were arrested; and it was not till the following June that they were placed on their trial. The ministry should have obviously indicted them for an aggravated riot; they had the folly to dignify their obscure proceedings by charging them with high treason. The jury declined to convict Watson, whose trial came on first, and the Attorney-General thereupon refused to proceed against the other prisoners. The folly of the ministry, in charging the culprits with an exaggerated offence, saved the prisoners from the punishment which they thoroughly deserved.1 6 While Watson and his associates had been rioting in the City, Hunt had at last arrived in Spa Fields. The meeting, which he addressed, resolved on a second adjournment, to the second Monday after the meeting of Parliament, viz., the 10th of February,' and in the meanwhile to organise the country by the formation of secret societies in every part of it. It was the object of these societies to obtain annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, abolition of all property qualifications for members of Parliament, and paid representatives of the people in the House of Commons. All these objects were embodied in a charter, and gave the Radicals, who urged them, the name of Chartists.2 Secret societies were |