CHAPTER XXIII.

THE SALE OF THE CONSTITUTION.

A.D. 1798-1799.

THE condition of the country towards the end of 1798 was deplorable. Trade was at a standstill. Credit was shattered. The actual losses of the loyalists who received compensation from Government, though no doubt there were many fraudulent claims, amounted to £1,023,000 of which £515,000 was claimed by the county of Wexford. The cost of the military establishment had been enormous, the expenditure for the year having been £4,815,367. The number of troops in the island was prodigious, 138,000 men, of which over 56,000 were regulars. The ordinary law was still superseded. The judges had endeavoured to resume their circuits, but the military authorities refused to give up their prisoners, or sent them into other districts, still professedly under martial law. Writs of Habeas Corpus were issued, but were treated with contempt, and the whole island was still practically in a state of siege.

Pitt's heart had long been set upon a legislative union of the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland. The opportunity had now come for its accomplishment.

[1798. The scheme was propounded. Lord Clare, under the pretence that he was going to drink the waters at Harrowgate, hurried over to England to consult with the Cabinet, and wrote that Pitt, the chancellor, and the Duke of Portland, were of opinion that "a union only could save" what he was pleased to call his “damnable country." Edward Cooke published an anonymous pamphlet strongly upholding the proposal. The advocacy of the provincial papers was carefully secured, we are not told by what means, and Castlereagh began cautiously sounding the leading people in Dublin.

Pitt and Cornwallis were anxious that the Act of Union should be accompanied by the emancipation of the Roman Catholics, and desired "to make an union with the Irish nation instead of making it with a party;" but the Ascendency party, led by Lord Clare, were wild at the suggestion, and this more enlightened part of the plan was accordingly abandoned. This did not, however, prevent the Government from bidding for the support of the Roman Catholics by leading them to suppose that emancipation should immediately follow; and their neutrality, if not their active assistance, was purchased by holding out this representation to them, when it was discovered that the Protestant party viewed the measure with abhorrence, and a counterpoise to their resistance was required.

In some parts of Ireland, particularly in the cities of Cork, Limerick, and Galway, the idea of an union was not unfavourably received. In Dublin the opposition was very strong. Both the merchant and shopkeeper

class, and the bar were exceedingly hostile. Of the leading public men many were hanging back to see how matters would develop. Some, however, even of the regular supporters of the Castle at once boldly denounced the measure. Of these the most influential were Foster the speaker, Sir John Parnell the chancellor of the exchequer, and Fitzgerald the prime-serjeant. The Government struck heavily where they were able, and the two last were promptly dismissed from office. The viceroy had no intention of being governed by the junto. He had written to General Ross in August, that he had "totally set aside the Irish Cabinet." Lord Clare alone of the old set was acting with him, and Lord Castlereagh was his right-hand man. These three were the real Government of Ireland; and it was their strong wills that carried out the policy which Pitt had initiated.

The Irish Parliament met on January 22, 1799. The speech from the throne contained an ambiguous reference to the desirability of an union. The opponents of the measure at once took up the glove. Sir John Parnell spoke strongly against the principle of an union. Ponsonby moved, as an amendment to the address, "that the undoubted birthright of the people of Ireland, a resident and independent legislature, should be maintained." Sir Lawrence Parsons seconded the amendment; Conolly, St. George, Daly, and the Knight of Kerry supported the Government. Barrington (the notorious Sir Jonah) deserted the Castle. Castlereagh defended the proposed measure, and Plunkett, in reply, made a bitter attack upon "the simple and modest youth

whose inexperience was the voucher of his innocence." Frederick Trench, member for Maryborough, spoke early in the evening, on the Opposition side. He presently had an interview with Cooke in the lobby, and then, alleging that he had misunderstood the meaning of Parnell's motion, voted with the Government. He was created Lord Ashtown in December, 1800.

The Such

The debate was of singular vehemence, and lasted twenty-two hours. On dividing, the numbers were equal, 106 in each list. It was then discovered that Mr. Luke Fox, who had come into Parliament as a member of the nationalist party, and had voted with the Opposition, had made terms with the Government, and accepted the "escheatorship of Munster," an office resembling the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds in England, shortly before the division, and his vote was disallowed. Government accordingly had a majority of one. a division was however, in fact, a victory for the Opposition; and on the report of the address, Sir Lawrence Parsons moved that the objectionable paragraph should be expunged; and after another fierce battle, the Government were beaten by five-109 voting for Parson's motion and 104 against it. Meanwhile in England all was going on swimmingly. The scheme was broached in both Houses, and hardly a voice was raised against it. In the middle of February, Pitt carried eight resolutions in the English Commons, which formed the skeleton of a bill for the effecting of an union by 120. to 16.

Great was the exultation of the Anti-unionists at the

results of the first encounter in the Irish Commons; and great was the rejoicing in Dublin. The Government was thrown aback for the present, but none the less was resolved to win. Prudence, however, forbade the attempt to force the question during the current session. The Opposition was composed of discordant elements, and might be broken up. It was greatly reinforced in both Houses by the self-interest of those who owned the multitude of condemned rotten boroughs, which had become, by the licensing of a nefarious traffic, a source of great emolument. Lord Downshire and Lord Ely were especially hostile. The one returned no less than seven, the other no less than six members to Parliament. In the consolidated and united Houses of Commons, two-thirds of the Irish borough seats were to be disfranchised. The proprietors would not object to their disestablishment, but they looked with horror upon the prospect of disendowment. Compensation to the proprietors would disarm many of the opponents of the measure. Immoderate compensation would buy their active support. Castlereagh's arguments on this point were unanswerable.

The Government programme would grow stronger as it was developed. If the Roman Catholic interest were thrown into the scale the scheme would receive much indirect assistance. The Roman Catholic nobility and gentry were sounded. Lord Fingal was favourable; so was Lord Kenmare, with the promise of an earldom. The Roman Catholic bishops were solicited. Dr. Troy was propitious, and they were ready to stand by the