that he agreed to accept an office which he described as "coming up to his idea of misery." On his arrival at the Castle he was shocked at the sanguinary spirit with which he found the Ascendency imbued. "The principal persons of this country," he writes, "and the members of both Houses of Parliament are, in general, averse to all acts of clemency, . . . and would pursue measures that could only terminate in the extermination of the greater number of the inhabitants, and in the utter destruction of the country. The words Papists and Priests are for ever in their mouths, and by their unaccountable policy would drive four-fifths of the community into irreconcilable rebellion." He says, on July 13th, in reference to the depredations of the roving bands of rebels, “Our war is reduced to a predatory system in the mountains of Wicklow and the bogs of. Kildare." And then he adds, "The numbers in each quarter are very small. They have very few arms, and except as a band of cruel robbers, house-burners, and murderers, are very contemptible. Their importance, however, is purposely exaggerated by those who wish to urge the Government to the continuance of violent measures."

In speaking of the reckless refusal of quarter by the troops, he says, "I am sure that a very small proportion of them (the rebels) only could be killed in battle, and I am much afraid that any man with a brown coat who is found within several miles of the field of action is butchered without discrimination." And on July 24th he writes to General Ross: "The whole country is in such a state that I feel frightened and ashamed when

ever I consider that I am looked upon as being the head of it. Except in the instances of the six State trials that are going on here, there is no law either in town or country but martial law; and you know enough of that to see all the horrors of it, even in the best administration of it. Judge, then, how it must be conducted by Irishmen heated with passion and revenge. But all this is trifling compared to the numberless murders that are hourly committed by our people without any process of examination whatever. The yeomanry are in the style of the loyalists in America, only much more numerous and powerful and a thousand times more ferocious. These men have saved the country, but they now take the lead in rapine and murder. The Irish militia with few officers, and those generally of the worst kind, follow closely on the heels of the yeomanry in murder and every kind of atrocity; and the fencibles take a share, though much behind, with the others. The feeble outrages, burnings, and murders, which are still committed by the rebels, serve to keep up the sanguinary disposition on our side; and as long as they furnish a pretext for our parties going in quest of them, I see no prospect of amendment. The conversation of the principal persons of the country all tend to encourage the system of blood; and the conversation even at my table, where you will suppose I do all I can to prevent it, always turns on hanging, shooting, burning, etc.; and if a priest has been put to death the greatest joy is expressed by the whole company. wretched situation."

So much for Ireland, and my

Cornwallis's first act was a proclamation promising protection to all insurgents guilty of rebellion only, who should surrender their arms, and take the Oath of Allegiance. And shortly afterwards he carried an Amnesty Bill,* affecting all persons except those then in custody, those guilty of murder, those who had been officers in the Society of the United Irishmen, deserters from the yeomanry and militia, and some thirty-one Irish refugees, amongst whom were Tone, Tandy, Lewines, Dixon, and McCann. The strictest discipline was enjoined upon the officers, and a Highland regiment under Lord Huntley was sent to restore order in Wicklow, in place of the troops who had lately been holding the country in terror. At first the inhabitants fled at the approach of the soldiers, but the men were sternly kept from marauding, and made to pay for everything they required; and with kind treatment and encouraging language from the officers, the people gradually returned to their homes and sought eagerly for "protections." One by one the leaders of the roving bands came in, and surrendered on the terms offered-of a new start at the antipodes. Aylmer, Luby, Ware, McCormick, and finally Joseph Holt and his Wicklow following. And the country was reported to be "full of people at work." The viceroy's firm but merciful hand was appreciated. His manly sympathy for the suffering country was received with gratitude; and as he passed along the streets of Dublin, the poor people would watch for his approach and murmur, "There he goes; God bless him!"

* 38 Geo. III. c. 55.

The next step was to deal with the State prisoners, nearly one hundred in number. The two Sheares were tried and convicted on July 12th. They were hung on the 14th. McCann, secretary to the Provisional Committee of Leinster, was tried and convicted on the 17th. He was hung on the 19th. Michael Byrne, of Parkhill, a gentleman of some property in the county of Wicklow, was tried and convicted on the 21st. Oliver Bond was tried and convicted on the 23rd. On the 24th sixty-four of the remaining prisoners made a proposition to the Government, that if the lives of Byrne and Bond should be spared, and their own punishment limited to banishment for life, they would make a full confession. Byrne was hung on the 28th, but Bond was respited. The prisoners' proposal pleased Cornwallis and the Cabinet. They were extremely doubtful of being able to obtain convictions against the majority of the prisoners. In the trials which had already taken place the documentary evidence was overwhelming; but in a great many cases they would have to rely on the evidence of informers, and it was extremely difficult to induce the informers to go into the box. A full confession would set at rest for ever the question of their guilt. Notwithstanding the howl from the attorney-general and others of the Ascendency at the bare idea of sparing a conspirator's life, the viceroy, supported by Lord Clare, who saw the great value of an admission by them of their offence, closed with the prisoners' offer. A memoir was drawn up by O'Connor, Emmett, and McNevin, and signed by them, tracing the whole history of the Society of United Irish

men; and the same men were afterwards examined by a secret committee of the House of Lords, and a report of their evidence published. There were eighty-nine prisoners affected by this compromise, but they were not all immediately released. Twenty of the leading men were sent to Fort George, where they were confined till the peace of Amiens. They were then banished. Oliver Bond died in Newgate, in September, 1798.