Government to temper coercion with conciliation. They had taken the bold step of discovering from some of the leaders of the United Irishmen what measure of reform would content them; and the latter, sobered by the failure of the expedition to Bantry, declared that the following concession would satisfy them, viz., a full representation of the people of Ireland, without any religious distinction, based upon a property qualification which the Parliament should determine; equal electoral districts, containing each six thousand houses and returning two members; and provisions that Roman Catholics should be equally eligible with Protestants for seats in the House of Commons and all offices of State. This they distinctly averred would put an end to the agitation; and Ponsonby accordingly prepared a bill, and moved a series of resolutions on reform, embodying these very reasonable heads. But the House of Commons was now the mere tool of the Government. It had been roughly shaken by the recent attempt at invasion; and was panic-struck by the prospect of an insurrection. On the division but 30 went into the Opposition lobby; 170 voted with the Castle.

Grattan had made his last effort. He felt that it was hopeless, and that the position of the Opposition had been reduced to an absurdity. Determined not to be an accomplice in the future conduct of Parliament, and fearing that further opposition, which could have no result, would only lend encouragement to the United Irish, he decided on seceding from the House of Commons. The shattered remnant of the Opposition

followed his example. "We have offered you our measure," the great leader had said during the debate. "You will reject it. We deprecate yours. You will persevere. Having no hope left to persuade or dissuade, and having discharged our duty, we shall trouble you no more; and from this day, we shall not attend the House of Commons." He kept his word. The Parliament was expiring. A general election was imminent. With half the country under martial law, the rest agitated by the prospect of invasion and civil disturbance, and all the Protestant Ascendency wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement, a general election would be little more than a farce. Grattan refused to offer himself for re-election to the citizens of Dublin. He bade farewell to his constituents; and retired for a season to his house at Tinnehinch in the County of Wicklow.

The proclamation of martial law had driven Lord Bellamont to resign the command of the Cavan militia, and the Duke of Leinster to resign the command of the Kildare militia. Its effect on the conspiracy was hardly what its framers desired. A considerable quantity of arms, especially newly manufactured pikes, had been seized by General Lake, and the smouldering insurrection apparently checked. But the appearance of restored quiet was delusive. The numbers of the United Irishmen received an enormous increase. The persecution drove the lukewarm into their ranks and converted them into earnest sympathizers. At the same time, the half-stifled disaffection assumed a more

dangerous character. The cruelties of the troops produced acts of retaliation. Isolated murders became frequent. Magistrates were fired at, and sometimes killed. Plots were laid by desperate fanatics for assassinating the obnoxious members of the executive, especially Lord Carhampton, the commander-in-chief, who was the object of the most bitter detestation. The agents of the society were working hard to disseminate their political doctrines, and to enlist members. Fro communications were opened with France, and hopes of a new expedition were entertained. Hoche was still enthusiastic, and Tone still hopeful. A large army was collected in Holland, now the Batavian Republic, ready to embark on board the squadron which was lying at the Texel and the English fleet, under Admiral Duncan, lay off the island to prevent its departure. The United Irishmen were tampering with the army, the militia, and the navy. Private soldiers were court-martialed and shot on the information of nameless informers, and prosecutions were instituted against suspects for administering the society's oath. The more desperate of the Ulster United Irishmen were eager for an immediate rising, but the Leinster delegates hung back, and insisted on waiting for the Dutch army.

The Dutch expedition was ready to sail in July, had the wind been favourable. But the elements were again on the side of England. The grand opportunity was missed, when the Channel was open in consequence of the mutiny at Spithead and at the Nore, and the cruel policy of sending untried Irishmen to serve in the

British navy had nearly borne fruit in the shape of a national catastrophy. At length the Dutch fleet started, only to fall into Duncan's clutches. And the battle of Camperdown made an end of the second expedition to Ireland.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE TRIUMPH OF COERCION. A.D. 1797, 1798.

THE Government had for more than two years had accurate information upon all that the United Irishmen were doing. They had their spies even in the French foreign office, who forwarded to them documentary evidence of the most important character. Dr. McNevin had no sooner presented to the French Government a memorial he had drawn up on the practicability of the landing of an invading force, than a copy of it found. its way into the hands of the English Cabinet. They had spies everywhere, even amongst the most trusted leaders of the society itself. They held in their pay, not the farmers and shopkeepers, who composed the rank and file, but the broken-down gentlemen, the briefless barristers, the spendthrift militia officers, who joined the association for the purpose of betraying it. One of the informers, McGucken, was the solicitor to the society at Belfast. He received a pension of £150 a year and the sum of £1450 in cash. Leonard McNally, the barrister who appeared for them in Crown prosecutions, received a pension of £300 a year. Nicholas