boldness perhaps conjecture that such a princess was not unconcerned in the locality or the adornment of his repose. This chamber is said in a later story to have been first prepared for him in a crypt on her own estate, on the Appian Way, hard by the cemetery of Callistus, by the lady Lucina called afterwards the Blessed, who was also incorrectly said to have aided Cornelius himself in laying the body of S. Peter in the Vatican and of S. Paul on the Ostian Way. But it was delicately done, whoever brought to his side in death the Presbyter and Confessor Maximus whom Cornelius had brought back to the Catholic Church in life'. The sepulchre of Cornelius 'is with us to this day,' still rich in architectural appointments and shewing trace of some grand sarcophagus to which his bones had been transferred from a simpler but not unnotable grave. We may add that in the fourth century Damasus in his last illness opened the old chapel more to the light and began a staircase for pilgrims'. Injured by Lombard invaders it does not see why she should be supposed to have been then alive (Early Christian Numismatics, p. 47) but I think he cannot have noticed that incident; for Zonaras would be worse than he is if he did not mean to connect it with that siege. But on the other hand it seems to me not impossible that Pipara, his German princess, 'quam perdite dilexit,' and in honour of whom he and his court wore their hair yellow (Treb. Pollio, Gallieni duo c. 21), may have been the Barioga of this camp-story. At any rate, whether in life or death, Salonina's is a Christian legend, without pressing the MS. on some of the exergues to mean Memoria Sanctæ. Other indications of a Christian influence on this incomprehensible emperor occur in the text. Gallienus once sent a mass of valuables to propitiate Claudius, among them 'trientes Saloninianos trecentos' perhaps of his Empress, perhaps of his son (Treb. Poll. Claud. 17). 1 Sup. page 161. Rossi, Roma Sotterr. tom. I. p. 291, tav. xix. 5. Lucina, a rare surname, is found in the Cornelian gens. Rossi, R. S. t. 1. p. 314. 2 Aspice descensu exstructo tenebrisque fugatis Corneli monumenta vides tumulumque sacratum. Hoc opus ægroti Damasi præstantia fecit, Esset ut accessus melior, populisque paratum Auxilium Sancti, et valeas si fundere puro Corde preces, Damasus melior consurgere posset Quem non lucis amor tenuit mage cura laboris. This recovery, from several fragments was restored by Leo III. in the ninth century, and then the tall commanding figures of the brotherly Cornelius and Cyprian were painted on its walls'. It is impossible not to be led a little aside by what has been of undying interest to so many generations. But to return to the facts of Cornelius' death and burial. The inferences from them are clear enough. Dying quietly at Cività Vecchia his death-day had for a time no very marked commemoration. When a festival was sought for him as a Martyr he was conjoined with his friend and brother Cyprian whose day had been long observed at Rome. For so, without any mention of Cornelius, Cyprian's actual death-day appears in the Kalendar of A.D. 354. 'Fourteenth of September, commemoration of Cyprian, Africa. It is kept at Rome in the cemetery of Calistus.' and from Damasus' familiar tags, of With extraordinary violence Rossi wishes to insert Corneli in Calisti before the name of Cyprian, and Mommsen (Abhand. d. k. S. Ges. d. Wissensch. II. p. 633, note 1, über den Chronograph vom Jah. 354) would take cele even bratur to be a corruption of Corneli. To such lengths will determined critics now proceed. The unfortunate suggestion is borrowed apparently from Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet. I. col. 39, n. c. (See Appendix on S. Cyprian's Day, p. 610.) The Felician Catalogue says Cornelius was beheaded at the Temple of Mars, and gives the story of Lucina, of which the untruth will appear in the history of Xystus. This catalogue is accordingly obliged to omit the older words 'Ibi cum gloria dormicionem accepit.' Lipsius, op. cit. pp. 125, 275. II. The Sitting of LUCIUS. The whole chronology with its perplexities is unravelled by this disengagement of the decease of Cornelius from its liturgical connection with the fourteenth of September, and its certain replacement, in June A.D. 253. A few days may perhaps be assumed to have elapsed before the twenty-fifth of that same month, on or near to which his successor Lucius came to the Chair for a brief eight months and ten days'. He was immediately banished' though without deprivation of property or rights, and directly afterwards recalled or allowed to return; with him came home apparently the great mass of exiles. Whether this was some experiment in the working of terror and leniency, or whether it was a result of the divided sentiments of the imperial households we cannot tell. Valerian became severely anti-Christian, but we have just seen that Salonina, the wife of his son Gallienus, who at this juncture, succeeded with him to the honours of Consul, Imperator, Cæsar and Augustus, was probably a Christian and of the same great house as the last Bishop; and Gallienus in his rescript of toleration published when he began to reign alone in A.D. 261, speaks of having already long ago made concessions to the Christians. 1 Cyprian's solitary letter to Lucius (Ep. 61) indicating only one other, and this lately written and anticipating martyrdom for him besides, would mark the pontificate as probably short. But Lipsius has shewn independently that the 'ii years' which the Liberian chronologist prefixes to his 'viii months and x days' is a mere blunder, and that Eusebius H. E. vii. 2 μnoi d' ovd' ÖλOLS OUTOS ÅKTŮ... is right. Lipsius, op. cit. p. 210. The Felician Cat. has 'sedit annos iii menses iii dies iii.' 2 No ground for stating that he had been also previously banished with Cornelius. 3 Relegationem...relegatus (Ep. 61. 1), used unquestionably with precision by the Old Legist. • Clinton, Fasti Romani, vol. I. pp. 286, 7. Euseb. H. E. vii. 13 'The relief was to be universal: they are not to be kept out of their places of worship (ård τόπων τῶν θρησκευσίμων): they may exhibit as their warrant this form of rescript: no one is to molest them: καὶ τοῦτο ὅπερ κατὰ τὸ ἐξὸν δύναται ὑφ ̓ ὑμῶν ἀναπλη Certainly the persecution was not supposed to be over with Lucius' recall. Cyprian had visions of coming evil and tells him that he may and ought to expect to be 'immolated before the eyes of the brethren' in Rome. The Church was itself unaware of the reason of the change; and long afterwards referred it simply to the 'will of God',' just as Cyprian, at the moment, referred it to the favour of God investing his episcopate at once with Confessorship. He pictures his return as a scene of such joy that it was a foretaste of Christ's near return, and Lucius the likeness of His forerunner. More than this is not to be known of his character. Cyprian seems to write to him as to a manly kind of person, but it would be pressing his phrases too far to be sure that they describe the person rather than the protective office. An early ritual tradition ascribes to him the 'precept that the bishop of Rome should be accompanied in every place by two presbyters and three deacons3; a tradition which perhaps echoes some facts of his exile. But what is most important is that, in his view as to the right treatment of the Lapsed and their restoration after penance to peace and communion, he was at one with his predecessor Cornelius, that is firmly against Novatian and with Cyprian-and that he had issued documents upon that subject*. On the 5th of the following March he was laid beside Fabian in the cemetery of Callistus. The day is given us in Mar. 5, |