before the remedy came; and the people were at once become almost unworthy and incapable of support, if the king were not concerned in holding up a resistance against the rebels."

196 aThe Scots' commissioners, when they came to Breda, offered to the king such a set of unreasonable propositions, that they were even ashamed to publish them, and it was thought impossible any agreement could be made on those terms, or indeed any agreement at all, unless the commissioners had more power to recede than the Scots usually granted to their agents. The king had only with 130 him two of his old counsellors, lord Hopton and sir E. Nicholas. On this occasion he caused three others to be sworn of his council, viz. the dukes of Buckingham and Hamilton, and the marquis of Newcastle. The two old ones were not consulted in the treaty, being set aside from the very first day that the debate thereof was entered upon at the council-board. They had there delivered their advice fully and clearly, that the king ought not to approve or allow of the solemn league and covenant in any sort, either in Scotland or in any other of his kingdoms, though he might give way to the national covenant in Scotland only. From that time the treaty was carried on by the three new counsellors and Mr. Long, without calling either of them any more, the Scots insisting on their exclusion, and alleging that they argued at the board as parties, though they could not say they were either of Argyle's or Hamilton's parties, or charge them with any thing but an honest zeal for their master's honour and interest. The pretence made use of to charge them with being parties, was because one of the propositions being that none of the council of the king's father, nor any that had served him in the war against the parliament, without taking the covenant, should come with

a B. B. 170, 290.

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his majesty into Scotland. The king himself and all that attended him were to sign the covenant, before they could be admitted to set foot in the kingdom.

A man knows not what he does when he makes the first deviation from virtue: it is as hard to stop in a way of vice, as it is in running down a precipice. There are natural guards planted by Providence in mankind to keep them from certain profligate, vicious, and dishonourable actions: these are found by experience to be the greatest and most efficacious restraints in such cases, and the persons who can once get over them are afterwards fit for any thing. To say nothing of that compassion which is the source of the abhorrence generally had of murder and certain acts of oppression attended with shocking circumstances, there is a natural modesty in women, and a natural magnanimity in men to keep them from actions to which they cannot submit but with the ruin of their virtue and with the dishonour of their reason. It is often unhappily remarked, how the one sex.by once getting over their restraint are betrayed into the worst of excesses, and any one that makes observations on the conduct of human life, will find it as true with regard to the other, that if a man once gets over his natural magnanimity, he is afterwards fit for any thing; and having done one mean thing, is capable of doing ten thousand. Of all actions that lie under the character of meanness, none are more detestable than falsehood and ingratitude, breach of faith and desertion of friends, deceit and hypocrisy: yet these were the actions into which these new counsellors were for plunging their prince at his entrance into the world, and first landing in one of his kingdoms. The king was young and unexperienced, full of good inclinations, inspired as yet with his father's principles, and affected with his dying instructions, which charged him never to abandon his friends or give up his religion for any prospect of advantage, or upon any consideration whatever. He was now

upon going to Scotland to renounce all these; to sacrifice his best friends in a compliment to those who had been his father's ruin, and who meant to treat him as a slave; to submit to conditions to which his heart did not agree, and which he could not observe with honour; to quit his own principles of religion, to turn presbyterian, to establish that sect in all his dominions; and whilst he was doing all this contrary to his real sentiments, he was in the most solemn manner to call upon the Searcher of hearts, to attest the sincerity of his profession, promises, and intentions. This was to embark him early in a way of life that would not bear reflection, and in a course of hypocrisy that could scarce fail of corrupting the integrity of his heart, and of making him sit loose to all religion : 131 yet those about him who had no principles of their own but what would vail to interest, cared not what became of their prince's conscience, honour, and reputation. All letters from England were very importunate for the king's agreeing with the Scots; but the writers were ignorant of the terms proposed. Those who dissuaded the agreement had no other party to propose, nor any place where he could remain with any hope of subsistence. The weakness of Scotland in comparison with England, the danger he would run by putting himself into the power of the Argyle party, and the treatment he would meet with in Scotland, were the only topics that could be insisted on to dissuade his going to that kingdom. In answer thereto, the duke of Hamilton and Scotch lords proposed as an expedient, that the king should not sign the covenant till he came thither; but tell the commissioners, that he deferred it in order to be better instructed, and when he came into Scotland would give the kirk satisfaction in that point. They confidently assured him, that he should not be importuned about it when he came there; and as they were resolved to accompany him thither, though they lay under heavy censures and disqualifications, yet they

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doubted not but their coming would produce great alterations, and he would find even the churchmen complaisant, and all the world fond of making their court, and recommending themselves to his favour. They were supposed to be the most competent judges in the matter, as best knowing the kingdom; and thus was the king drawn in to resolve upon going to Scotland.

Before he set out on that expedition, he frequently repeated his resolution never to condescend to any thing prejudicial to the peace made by the marquis of Ormond with the Irish; but when he came to Scotland, he did not find himself in that liberty which he expected. He was attended thither (besides the Scots) by the duke of Buckingham and the lords Wentworth and Wilmot, who went prepared to submit to any conditions that should be required of them. He was not suffered to land till he had taken the covenant, which he was persuaded by his attendants to do; yet none of them were suffered to continue about him but the duke of Buckingham. Hamilton, Lauderdale, and all of their party were forced to retire to lurking places; and the king found himself absolutely in the power of Argyle, treated at table and in public with ceremony as a prince, but in all other respects as a prisoner. Several papers were brought him, to which he was required to set his hand, being told, in plain terms, that otherwise he should have no authority over the people, and by implications easy enough to be understood, that his person would soon be put under a restraint. Among these papers there was a declaration in his majesty's name, by which the peace concluded with the Irish in 1648 was pronounced void, and his majesty was absolved from any observation of it, upon the supposed unlawfulness of concluding any peace with that nation. The king was forced to sign this declaration, and therein to acknowledge his father's sinfulness, his mother's idolatry,

b C. C. 323, 348.

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and his own sorrow for making peace with papists, and to recall all the commissions granted by him to any in Ireland. This was done at Dunfermling on Aug. 16, four days after the congregation at James Town had signed the declaration and excommunication aforementioned; and the news of it coming soon after the publication of those acts into Ireland, the clergy made use of it to justify their proceedings, and render the people disaffected to his majesty.

The marquis of Ormond, when he first heard of this declaration, really believed it to be a forgery, contrived either by the English rebels, or the Irish congregation, to 132 seduce the people from their loyalty and affection to the king. But on Oct. 13 John King dean of Tuam came to him out of Scotland, with a letter of credence from his majesty, and an account how that declaration was obtained, which was in the following manner:

"In the treaty of Breda, among the articles of agreement proposed to his majesty, the Scots in the third insisted violently upon the breach of the peace made by the marquis of Ormond with the Irish. His majesty would by no means yield to it; insomuch that the treaty was intermitted for three days, and had like to have quite broken off upon that occasion. But the necessity of his affairs requiring him to continue and perfect the treaty, the king yielded so far as to consent, that if a free parliament of Scotland should think it fitting, his majesty would then find some way how with honour and justice he might make void that peace; in regard that the greater part of the Irish had not faithfully adhered to his lieutenant, the lord of Ormond, but had broken it on their side. In the mean time his majesty would by no means permit that any such thing should be inserted into the body of the articles of agreement; and it was concluded, that this matter should remain in a distinct paper in the hands of the earl of Cassels, in regard of the dishonour it might reflect upon his majesty, and the danger and prejudice it might bring upon the marquis of Ormond and the king's friends in Ireland. This was no sooner done, than his majesty laboured © C. C. 299, 384, 385, and 388.

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