his own private credit could scarce provide a sorry subsistence to his out-garrisons for a week together; so that if Monroe should attack any of them, they must certainly fall into his hands. An open war must have made his expenses much greater, and he must for means of supplying them depend entirely on the Irish, and put himself absolutely in their power, which he could not think advisable. The hatred which his own troops, and the protestants, that still adhered to the king's government, bore to the Irish was such, that they would have deserted him upon the publishing of such a proclamation. He had seen the little effect which proclamations had produced in the case of the covenant, and had no reason to expect greater benefit from that which was now proposed. It was likewise very impolitic to drive into despair men, whom mere terror and impossibility of subsisting otherwise had obliged to comply with the Scotch measures, to take the covenant, and to join in the war against the Irish. He was very well assured, that not only sir Robert Stewart, sir James Montgomery, and the English officers of Hill's, Chichester's, and Conway's regiments, who had refused the covenant, but that colonel Mervin, the lord Montgomery, colonel Thornton, and others who had taken it, were yet well affected to the king's interests, and would upon a proper occasion do him service, if not excluded from mercy, for their forced compliance, in order to preserve themselves for a more favourable time.

162 There was certainly more room for pity than censure, in their circumstances, and they had given such strong assurances of their resolutions to serve the king, when an opportunity offered, that it was much more prudent to encourage those dispositions in them than to alienate their affections, and drive them into the extremest courses 531 by unseasonable acts, or ineffectual declarations, of seve

rity". Even the inferior officers and common soldiers of the old Scotch regiments in the north, who had with the greatest zeal entered into the parliament measures and taken the covenant, not doubting of immediate and plentiful supplies, now finding themselves disappointed, and in a manner neglected by the parliament, (whose promises had as yet been attended with little or no effect,) were much cooled in their affections to that party, and in a likely temper to be wrought upon by proper motives applied to engage them to return to their duty. They had received no part of their entertainments, and but an inconsiderable quantity of provisions from England; and being still oppressed by their wants, all the chief officers of those regiments had lately joined in letters, representing their condition and treatment, and expostulating the matter very freely with the parliament. They told them in that of March 10, "that the great trust which they reposed in the manifold rich promises of both houses, their affection to the goodness of the cause, and their ardent desires to witness their readiness to obey the commands of parliament, had made them for three years and four months past undergo with unparalleled patience all kinds of miseries. But now seeing that, notwithstanding their agent's tedious solicitations, the fruits of their expectations had proved inconsiderable, and their affections to the cause and continuance in the service of the parliament had ruined them, they were forced at last to declare, that unless subsistence in some reasonable measure, proportionable to their wants, were speedily sent them, a constant way laid down for their future maintenance during the war, and security given them for their arrears, they must desert the service, and look out for some master, under whom they might raise new fortunes in lieu of those they had ruined under the parliah O. 202, 139, 170.

ment. Their long sufferings, ready obedience, and untainted conduct in the service, would justify this proceeding of theirs at the bar of malice itself; and they took heaven and earth to witness, that their resolutions proceeded only from the sense of the extreme wants they had endured, through the former neglecting of them, the inconsiderable relief (as they perceived by their agent's letters) now intended them, and the uncertainty of future support and reward for their services." Other circumstances and incidents, particularly the king's moderation, and the parliament's obstinacy in the late treaty at Uxbridge, had concurred to lessen their esteem of that body, which not long before they had almost adored.

163 The success also of Montrose in Scotland had some effect in Ulster. The state of Scotland had recalled part of their army from thence; one thousand four hundred had gone over, and were soon after cut in pieces by that victorious general at Stradon near Aberdeen; one thousand two hundred more were sent for, but did not care to go. Monroe himself was courted by a gold chain to bring back with him thirty complete companies; but he did not care to return; nor indeed any of his officers, being apprehensive of nothing so much as that they should be recalled from the good quarters they possessed at present. The factions too in the English parliament, where those heads thereof which were supported by the independent party prevailed over those which favoured the presbyterians, had some influence on the British in Ulster, and corrected in a great degree the intemperate zeal which they had shewn for the covenant. The Scotch commissioners at London were disgusted at the measures there taken, and Monroe's forces, absolutely directed by the sentiments of their countrymen, began to entertain the like discontents. Mr. archdeacon Galbraith, a Scot by original, but well affected to episcopacy and monarchy, a man of very good sense and learning, great prudence, 532

and full as great resolution, well beloved and esteemed by all the British officers and gentlemen in those parts, used his endeavours to bring them to an union that might be of service to his majesty's affairs, and contribute to the good of the country, the state of which he represented constantly and faithfully to the lord lieutenant, recommending to him to improve the favourable juncture, and to offer some allurements to the chief officers of the British forces.

164 The marquis of Ormond saw very well the expediency of the proposal; but he was in so distressed a condition himself, that he had no temptations to offer to others. That body of the old British forces was certainly the best at this time in the whole kingdom, and it was very well worth while to gain them; but he could not, without deceiving them, promise them either the payment of their arrears and entertainments, or the supplying of them with provisions, the expectation whereof had been the great inducement to their compliance with the parliament, and it was necessary to give them some hopes on that subject, to engage them to return to the king's obedience. He told the archdeacon his condition and unalterable resolution to promise nothing but what he had in his power to perform, and to offer them no inducement but what truth should dictate. Galbraith could not but allow the honourableness of this resolution; yet still thought that something might be done to soothe the passions and flatter the sentiments and disposition of the British officers. With this view he proposed, "that in any address which the lord lieutenant should make into those parts, by letter, declaration, or otherwise, he would touch gently upon the taking of the covenant, rather as an error than a crime; men being generally aptest to correct those faults for which they may best hope for pardon, and where their reputation seems least to be called in

i P. 444. See Collection of Letters, No. CCCLXVIII.

question; whereas when crimes of a deeper dye are charged and severely censured, it is frequently seen, that instead of being reclaimed, they put on Cæsar's resolution expressed in Lucan, gladio exolvere culpam." As those forces had maintained themselves during the war by the spoils of the enemy, and had found great difficulties in getting subsistence since the cessation, he thought it not unseasonable for the lord lieutenant by letters or otherwise "to make it generally known, that his majesty did not conclude a cessation till he understood that Scotland had determined to send an army into England against him; that by means thereof both England and Scotland had disabled themselves to prosecute the war in Ireland with effect; and that his majesty had offered to Scotland, that if they would not invade England, but prosecute the war in Ireland, he would not make a cessation." This message was sent and delivered by sir James Montgomery, who had likewise published it since upon all occasions, and yet if it were published in a more general way, it might help to fix the prejudices on account of the cessation, and all others flowing thence, upon those who really deserved the blame, and not upon his majesty, who was necessitated to do what he did in that matter. He imagined, that some account from his excellency, the king was pleased for peace sake to yield of his own rights at the treaty of Uxbridge, and by whom it was dissolved, might have a good effect; nothing being so likely to be admitted for so reasonable a cause of the treaty that was going to be entered upon at Dublin, as the breaking up of that at Uxbridge by the parliament party, in so abrupt a manner, and upon so unreasonable demands." He fancied that some general assurances of his majesty's and the lord lieutenant's care and resolution to procure, so far as lay in their power, some considerable satisfaction to the forces for their past and future services, 533 might be serviceable, especially if some of the officers

"how far