the same as a dishonorable departure from that comprehensive and benevolent policy which constitutes the vital principle of the confederacy, as provoking the just resentments and reproaches of our western brethren, whose essential rights and interests would be thereby sacrificed and sold, as destroying the confidence in the wisdom, justice and liberality of the federal council which is so necessary at this crisis, to a proper enlargement of their authority, and finally as tending to undermine our repose, our prosperity and our union itself, and that the said delegates be further instructed to urge the proper negociations with Spain, for obtaining her concurrence in such regulations, touching the mutual and common use of the said river, as may secure the permanent harmony and affection of the two nations, and such as the wise and generous policy of his Catholic Majesty will perceive to be no less due to the interests of his own subjects than to the just and friendly views of the United States.

This document was not procured in time to appear in its proper place.

THE END.

A

LETTER

FROM

GEORGE NICHOLAS,

OF KENTUCKY,

TO

HIS FRIEND,

IN VIRGINIA.

Juftifying the conduct of the Citizens of Kentucky, as to fome of the late Meafares of the General Government;

AND CORRECTING CERTAIN, FALSE STATEMENTS,

Which have been made in the different States, of the Views and Actions of the People of Kentucky.

LEXINGTON:

FRINTED BY JOHN BRADFORD, ON MAIN STREET.

1798.

MY DEAR SIR,

A LETTER

having shewn me that part of your letter to him, which respects our politics, and myself, I have prevailed on him to lend me the letter, that I might have it in my power to answer it. I am induced to do this, as well from a desire to remove the unjust impressions and representations which have been received by, and made to, our fellow citizens, of our views and designs; as from a wish, that by making our real sentiments public, an opportunity may be afforded, of detecting the errors on which they are founded, if they really are erroneous.

Before I enter on the subject, let me request your calm and deliberate consideration, of what I shall advance. Opinions and reasoning which are in opposition to what we think right ourselves, are often condemned and rejected too hastily; but this is not the way to remove error; full and dispassionate investigation is the only means of arriving at truth, and the real patriot can have no other object in his political enquiries.

The warmth of my own passions, the improper influence which I am conscious, that they too often have over my judgment, and the peculiar tendency which I feel, that they possess to lead the mind astray, in its attempts to form a just opinion as to our present political questions; all conspire to make me urge this request on my friend, whose good opinion I wish to preserve, whose unintentional errors I wish to see corrected, and whose well known patriotism I wish to rouse, before that period shall arrive, when a conviction of the most important truths will come too late; and when the remembrance that it was not felt earlier, will be attended with the most heart felt concern and sorrow. If after having devoted the prime of your life to the establishment of the liberty of your country; if after having shed your blood in its defence; if after seeing yourself surrounded with children and grand children, for whose sakes you have voluntarily submitted to all the ills necessarily attendant on revolutions and wars; what will be your feelings in the decline of life, if you should see that liberty destroyed?

I know you so well as to be satisfied, that nothing could add to the bitterness of such a situation, but the recollection, that you had by an improper and unlimited confidence, even undesignedly, contributed to it. Pause then my friend, and think deliberately and dispassionately, and do not let any improper conduct in a foreign nation, to which your attention is artfully turned on one side, blind you to the eminent danger which hangs over the liberties of your country, on the other. At the time you are calling out arm, arm, against the foreign foe, who you say threatens the independence of our country; do not shut your eyes to domestic violations of our constitution, and our liberties. What will it avail us, if we can preserve our independence as a nation, nay if we can even raise our country to the highest pitch of national glory, provided we at the same time lose our own liberties? If France is at this time subjected at home, to the military despotism which is said to reign there; will the conquests atchieved by her arms, and the glory which surrounds her, compensate the people of that country in the smallest degree, for their lost liberties? Can the power and consequence of tyrants, ever alleviate the miseries of their slaves? If they cannot, we ought to consider it as a truth of the most important nature—that independence abroad is of no real value, unless it is accompanied with liberty at home.

The preamble to our constitution declares, that the securing this liberty, was the great and primary consideration, which induced the people of America to form that constitution? "We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America."

My feelings have forced from me these observations? I will now answer your letter.

You say "we entertain none of your fears, our liberties we think are not in danger." It is not at all surprising when we form such different opinions of our political situation, that our conduct also should be so materially different; but as the conduct of either, can be right only as far, as the opinion by which it is actuated shall prove to be just, we ought carefully to ascertain which of those opinions is founded on propriety. No country can be free, unless