pears to be nothing more than the affected tone of the weak trash, which the press pours forth in such quantity. Your Liberal has no strong hold of anything; he has cast away the anchors of the old law, and national feeling, and exclusive privileges of Britons, as mere prejudices, and useless shackles to his enlarged comprehension. He floats about upon the wide sea of the world's opinion, and is blown hither and thither by every gust which may come from the various quarters of the globe. He neglects the interests of the people round about him, while he considers what may most promote the prosperity of the new kingdoms of the new world, and sacrifices the most important interests of his own country in a paroxysm of general philanthropy and universal benevolence.

But in everything he does, he is most anxious that he himself should appear; he is not only of opinion that he knows better than all who have gone before him, but that the world should see, that he is the person who has made the grand discovery that every one else was wrong; and this he generally accomplishes, not in the ego hoc feci fashion of Mr Canning, but by getting some other disciple of the same school to beslobber him with nauseous flattery, for which he on the next suitable occasion beslobbers his friend in return; and thus, sickening effeminate praises get forth into the newspapers, and these people get a name amongst the million. All this time, however, nothing solid is done; your Liberal is the worst man of business in the world; it is true, he seems busy, but it is in making speeches, and devising plans and complicated refinements upon what works well enough already, while the more arduous and important concerns of the State are frequently neglected, because they afford no opportunity for display, or for shewing off the advantages of the new and improved system. To make amends, however, for the little he does, he is always ready to talk, or if you choose, to write you an essay, which is English in nothing but its language, and not always even in that. His vanity is concerned in this, his name is in the mouths of men, as a speaker or an author, and his childish desire for popular attention towards himself is gratified.

VOL. XXIV.

The injurious effect which the interference of such men must have had upon the British Government scarcely needs to be pointed out. The effects are obvious; we lost our ground in the world, and instead of holding the high station which under the guidance of a pure Tory Government we had through unparalleled exertions obtained, we in some measure ceased to be either respected or dreaded by other nations. How indeed could they see anything formidable in measures not built upon experience, but suggested by theorists, and planners of visionary improvement, careless alike of their own interests, and of the encroachments of other powers? What could they see to be respected in policy as unsteady as the breath of popular opinion, which was guided by those who forsook what was old and well known, and who were evidently destitute of ability to conceive, or of strength and unanimity to execute, what was new and untried? Foreign powers laughed at us, and took advantage of our folly to obtain for themselves those advantages which, through our excessive" liberality," we had ceased to guard for ourselves. Our treaties, misnamed treaties of reciprocity; our free importations of the things which formerly employed our own industry; and unrestricted exportations of those things which enabled other nations to triumph over us, where formerly we triumphed over them; our pledges to support the turbulent and discontented and unsettled spirits in all parts of the world

and our efforts to force liberty upon an unwilling people at the point of the bayonet-all these things must have appeared, and certainly did appear, to the other nations of the world, as not only unwise, but absolutely ridiculous. England, under the guidance of the Liberals, appeared as if governed by schoolboys, vain of their newly acquired knowledge, and eager to turn poetry and philosophy into practice, but destitute of the caution and firmness which are only to be learned by experience.

At home, the consequences of "liberal" government were not less unfortu nate. The people were injured in their property, by the concessions made to foreigners; and those who had not property to lose, were disturbed, and set on to "imagine vain things," by the cookery, and quackery, and experi N

mental nonsense, of their political idols. Fools were not crushed as they ought to be, when they opened their mouths to pour forth their folly; it was considered liberal to listen, and to consider, and to speechify in return, and thus the folly spread and settled, instead of being checked and stopped at the very outset.

The taint of Liberalism has infected the Cabinet in a greater or less degree, from the accession of Mr Can ning in 1822 until the late turn-out. Upon Mr Canning the disease gained gradually like a consumption, until it completely destroyed a political character which was previously worthy of almost undivided admiration. In the time of his true glory, no one despised or lashed the doctrines of the Liberals more heartily than Canning; but he had one fault, or weakness rather, in common with them-He was open to flattery, and led away by popular applause. This was, perhaps, the consequence of his inimitable talents as a public speaker. He felt the power he possessed, and was fond of the homage which it extorted. His weakness, however, was seen by the Whigs, and formed the germ of that union which they strove so assiduously to promote, after they found that themselves, and the policy which they had advocated during the war, were sunk as low as contempt and scorn could sink them. Their system now was to give up a good deal themselves, to flatter Mr Canning into giving up something, and thus to approach a mongrel species of policy, which was begotten by artifice on the one side, and indiscretion on the other, and was brought forth under the foreign and affected title of Liberalism. Brougham was at first unwilling to join in this yield ing system. His fierce spirit recoiled from submission to Canning, whose superiority he would not acknowledge; but at last he, too, like those spirits from whom he sometimes appears to borrow a portion of his energy, believed and trembled-he ceased to threaten, and began to praise. The Tories were indolent, and if they saw, they made no effort to prevent, the great loss which they and the country were sustaining by the change which was going on. The game, on the part of the Whigs, was cunningly played -they won, and Mr Canning was lost. The great leader being gained ver, others were easily induced to

follow in his train. Upon Mr Huskisson, the force of early and long-suppressed political feelings probably operated; the rest were weak enough to be led by anything which was on the surface plausible. Thus was the Liberal party established; and though the country was, by good fortune, never wholly abandoned to their guidance, yet, for some time after the dissolution of the ministry, in April 1827, they bore the chief sway in the government. How long they might have stood under the leadership of so clever a man as Mr Canning it is useless now to inquire. The difficulties of his situation were too much for him, and he died. While he lived, his talents threw a glitter upon the party; but when he died, and Lord Goderich was placed at their head, then indeed they appeared in all their pitiable helplessness. If the affairs they had to manage were of less importance, one might have described their conduct as laughable; but as they were, it was quite disgusting, and it was soon found necessary to get some men of sense into the places of most of them, in order to put an end to a state of things which was at once dangerous and ridiculous.

It was extremely fortunate for the country at that time that it possessed such a man as the Duke of Wellington. We shall not enter upon so superfluous a task as praise of the Duke. We are content to say, "Look at his career, examine his whole progress, see what he has done, what he is now doing, and let the facts speak for themselves." It will be found that he has attempted nothing which he has not been able to accomplish, and that in all he has done he has earned from his friends praise and joyful congratulations, and from his enemies involuntary respect. When he, at the command of the King, formed a new Government, he retained some of the Liberals in their places, thinking, as we conjecture, that while their experience in the routine of official business would make them useful auxiliaries, they would not venture to thwart or impede that line of policy which every one who knew him must have known he would adopt. This, which we imagine to have been the opinion of the Duke in January last, was conformable to the course which subsequent events took for some time; and

it was quite pleasant to see how energetically Mr Huskisson worked in support of a Government precisely opposite in its principles to that which it is known he wished to see formed in November and December last. There was a little wincing, to be sure, on his part and that of Mr Grant, on the introduction of the Corn Bill this session; but even this only proved, that, in the teeth of their own opinion, they were discharging their official duties, and carrying into effect the policy of the Duke of Wellington.

It is evident, however, that with men acting in this way upon constraint, that perfect cordiality and unlimited confidence could not exist, which must be so desirable amongst those to whom the Government of the country is intrusted; and, therefore, it is not surprising, that when this want of cordiality broke out into an overt act of opposition, the Duke was very stern and inflexible as to the exclusion of the offender. In an unlucky hour for Mr Huskisson, he gave an imprudent pledge about the East Retford Disfranchisement Bill. This pledge he had to fulfil, because (as he says himself,) he was "called upon" to do so, and not because he thought it his duty; and then having found himself in a difficulty, he thought he would as usual get out of it by a stroke of cunning. On this occasion, however, he mistook his man. He over-reached himself when he thought to over-reach the Prime Minister. Mr Huskisson manifestly, and indeed we may almost say by his own confession, intended that the Duke's anger for his disobedience should be swallowed up in regret for his resignation, and that he would have sent for him, and sooth ed his irritated spirits, and entreat ed him to stay. Never was man more completely disappointed; he seems hardly to have been able to believe, that he who had always managed matters so cunningly and so successfully before, who had tried the very same trick with other Prime Ministers and gained his point, should now have utterly failed. He thought it the strangest thing imaginable, that a resignation, written and signed with his own hand, should be taken as a final resignation, without parley or explanation; and that when he said he placed his situation in the hands of the Duke, it was not understood that

it was for the purpose of being handed back to him again. He is quite thunderstruck that his words should be taken according to their plain distinct signification; and he sends to assure the Duke, "that there is a mistake in the matter.' We almost

think we see the look of astonishment and mortification in Mr Huskisson's countenance, when Lord Dudley returned to him and told him, that the Duke said, "There was no mistake at all."

We really wonder how Mr Huskisson prevailed upon himself to tell the story in the House of Commons, and we cannot be surprised at the general laugh with which the House received it. The "old stager" now found, that he should make a real struggle to keep the office which he had pretended to resign, and a most pertinacious struggle he certainly made; but still he could not bring himself to forsake his old habits, and, instead of openly and plainly saying that he was sorry he had resigned, and that he would be extremely happy to have his place again, he went on insinuating that he had not resigned at all. This would never do with the Duke; it is in vain to practise twisting of words or facts with him. We recommend his letters on this occasion to be read over and over again by those who have a notion that a statesman cannot be a candid straight-forward honest man. They form a most excellent commentary upon Lord Bacon's text, that "plain and sound dealing is the honour of man's nature." The end of the whole matter is, that Mr Huskisson found himself, in spite of all his ingenuity, turned out of office, and another appointed in his place; and then it would appear he thought of his revenge, and summoned all his party to quit the camp along with him.

We have heard much of the persuasion made use of upon every official person, with whom this party had influence, to quit their posts, and thus embarrass the Prime Minister; and we know that several of those who have resigned do not scruple to express their regret, that the requisition of their party almost compelled them to do that which as individuals they were not in the least inclined to; but we suppress the indignation which we might justly express on this occasion, in consideration of the contempt which

such an endeavour from such a party deserves. The Liberals were so puff ed up with a false idea of their own strength, that they vauntingly declared it was impossible the Government could go on without them, and that even if the official places were filled without their assistance, the first division in the House of Commons would show how completely triumphant they were in that assembly. They reckon ed without their host. The Tories, who had of late forsaken the House, sickened by the Liberalism of a part of the Treasury bench, yet unwilling to oppose a Government with the Duke of Wellington at the head of it, now rallied round a Ministry, to which they could give their full and hearty support; and the Liberals, even in the very hour of their boasting, were beaten into a ridiculous minority. The annals of Parliamentary conflicts scarcely furnish an example of such a complete overthrow in a trial of strength between parties. The next day,

"Their giantships were somewhat crest-fallen,

Stalking with less unconscionable strides."

The country, already disgusted with their folly, now laughed at their weakness, and the Liberals have sunk, we hope never to rise again. As to the fellows who put forth shallow nonsense in the newspapers, about "military government," they are hardly worth noticing, except that, in this age of superficial knowledge, they may have some effect upon those who have been taught to read, but not to think. We wish to tell these people, that a military government is one thing, and a civil government, partly administered by military men, another. It is impossible that, while our constitution lasts, we can have a military government; but if it so happen, that the habits of vigorous observation, and of prompt and decisive conduct, acquired in a military life, are useful for civil purposes, it would be the greatest conceivable folly not to make use of them, merely because they have been previously serviceable for military purposes. This would be true at any time, but at present its truth is particularly obvious when the wavering and timorous, yet rash policy of the Liberals, has put our affairs in such a state as nothing but the habits we have just described would recover them from. Upon the

present state of the Government we have but to echo the hearty congratulations which are to be found in the mouth of almost every honest man, gentle or simple, throughout the country. It is not merely in places where politics form the chief subject of conversation, that these sentiments are to be found; it is not only in the clubs, and in London streets, but at fair and market, you see hale stout fellows meeting with a more vigorous shake of the hand than usual, and proposing an extra glass of ale to the health of the Duke and the new Ministry. Such is the triumph of honesty and plain dealing; the people are cheered at the sight of it, and England is herself again. The pleasure which men of observation feel at the change, is pro portioned to the danger from which they see the country delivered; for it was an alarming fact, that the system of the Liberals to entrap the young men who were coming out into public life, was pursued in many instances with the success that too frequently follows when flattery is applied to inexperience.

There was a set within the doors of the House, a knot of" bustling bo therbys with nothing in 'em" but a confused mass of crude ideas upon every subject, who went buzzing and fizzing about, a-telling of the wonderful wonders of political economy, of their own philosophical and enlightened views, and pronouncing the subversion of our constitution, and of all our ancient institutions, the sovereignst thing on earth for procuring the greatest happiness to the greatest number.

They persuaded the young men of enthusiastic minds and unsettled opinions, with assurances that it was the most old-fashioned and stupidest thing in the world, to think, or speak, or act, as their fathers did before them. They extolled the wisdom and the wit of the rising generation, and then they mixed in a few modern witlings of their own brood, to act as decoys; smart young men for small affairs, who come up from the semi-whig university, brimfull of prate and pedantic affectation. These deafened their less fidgetty companions with endless argumentations about fiddle faddle, to which the others listened with sad civility, and if they remained proof against the flattery of the old ones, at

length gave in, through mere weariness and exhaustion, to the pertinacity of the young. It would be a curious calculation to see how many votes the cunning old stagers obtained, by making cat's-paws of the novi homines, whom they patted on the back, crying, "See what an interesting creature! with such a mind! he must be one of us." We trust that all this is now at an end, and not only so, but that those young men of ability who have, unfortunately for themselves and the public, become connected with the party of the Liberals, will see their error, and return to solid and fixed principles. It is indeed almost certain that this will be the case, because it will be the natural result of the progress of knowledge and experience the old stagers of the Liberals, we think, will find that their party must die with them. Independently of political distinction, it is necessary

for the success of young men in good society, that they should get out from the circle of the Whigs and Liberals. A true gentleman, with manly feeling and a knowledge of the world, had rather, at any time, meet a furious bull, a mad dog, or another gentleman at twelve paces, than one of these pests who canvass for applause among Whig people of both sexes, as interesting young men. There is a class of persons advertised for in the streets, in bills a yard square, as "" spirited young men," to enlist at L.16 a-head, in the service of the African Company, whom we take to be far more respectable and useful members of society, than the smirking, mawkish, awkward apes of the other set. But we are wearied at the thought of them, and must bid the subject good by, ending, as we began, by the expression of our great joy, that the Liberals have fallen.