GILLASPY-EDWARDS.

Now I consider it very unfair on the part of In reply to the remarks of the gentleman the majority who control all these committees, from Des Moines, [Mr. Hall,] I will say that to come in here and make just such reports as when I spoke a few minutes since, I did not take they choose, and then refuse the minority the into consideration at all the expense of printing benefit of having their reports printed. Now this report. I did not base my argument upon my only desire in seeking to have these reports any such ground as that. I opposed the printprinted, is in order that I may have an opportu- ing upon the ground that it would delay the bunity to consider and examine them carefully. I siness and prolong the session of the Convenoccupy the same ground now that I did at first tion, and that if we agreed to what the gentleupon the bill of rights. Unless there should be man asked from us, we would have to rescind some light thrown upon the subject, which I the resolution which we adopted upon his own have not yet been able to discern, I shall vote motion-to adjourn finally on the fourth of to retain that bill of rights as it is now. But March next-and extend the session of this Conthere may be more light thrown upon this sub-vention some four or five days, perhaps for a ject by the majority report.

Now, unless these gentlemen will get up here Mr. EDWARDS. I will say, in reply to the and say to the whole convention, that they stand gentleman from Wapello, [Mr. Gillaspy,] that here as the exponents of the two parties in this when the resolution was offered the other day, convention, I think that the reports of the standrequiring all our committees to report by to-day,ing committees should be entitled to more grave

Monday,]

CLARKE, of J.-WINCHESTER-CLARKE, of H.

mittees, which are made to represent more particularly their own peculiar views.

re

[February 23d

has made a report in favor of allowing negroes the right to vote. And thus the other members of the republican party, who do not sanction such a thing, are made to share the odium of it. I am not willing to have myself placed in such a position. If it would be stated in these papers that in this convention, not the republican party, but only the gentleman from Henry, and a few other members, are in favor of this proposition, I would not oppose this matter of printing. But that will not be done.

Now, I do not stand here as the exponent of the views of any man, or any set of men. But by the appointment of the presiding officer of this convention, I was placed, in conjunction with four other members of this convention, upon a standing committee, without the views of any of us being known concerning the particular subject committed to our charge. We ported unanimously in favor of adopting the article on the right of suffrage, as it stands in our And besides that, the very thing I sought to present constitution. Now I ask, as a matter obviate this morning by opposing this printing, of justice, if the reports of the majority and mi- has already taken place, and we have had a disnority of this select committee are to go forth cussion upon this subject, and that will be used to the world with their ex parte, if not garbled, against the republican party, by the partizan statements upon this subject, that the report of papers upon the other side. This printing will the standing committee upon the same subject not afford the people any more light upon this shall accompany them. That is what I ask, and subject, but will only enable the papers of one that I contend is nothing but fair and just. party to conceal the true facts of the case as regards the other party.

Mr. CLARKE, of Johnson. If I believed there was any anxiety in the minds of the people of this State, or any portion of them, in regard to this subject, if I believed they were waiting in dread suspense, to hear from this convention in regard to it, I should be in favor of relieving their anxiety and suspense by publishing the report presented by the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall]. But I do not believe any such thing. I do not believe that the great mass of the people of this State anticipate that, by our action here, the colored population of this state will be admitted to all the rights of citizenship, and that all the dread evils, and deleterious consequences will be inflicted upon the people of this State, as the gentleman from Des Moines has so glowing set forth in his elaborate report upon this subject. And, not believing that there is any such fear and dread in the public mind, I am opposed to the printing of that re

port.

I am opposed to the printing of this report for another reason. Gentlemen have announced here that, if it is published, they will send it to all their party papers, and if it is sent to them, it will be published, and they will say to the people of the State-see here, the republicans are going to upturn the very foundations of our government, and give negroes the right to vote. In order to stem the torrent of black republicanism, the gentleman from Des Moines has prepared the elaborate report which he wishes to furnish to the papers of his party for publication. And those papers, in publishing that report, will conceal the fact, which I think is true, at least at this time, that not five members of this convention are with the gentleman from Henry, [Mr. Clarke,] in favor of the proposition he has submitted in his report.

As I remarked when the subject was up before, an attempt will be made to cast odium upon the republican party. Those papers will publish the report of the gentleman from Henry, and will say do you see, the leader of the republican party (as the gentleman from Wapello [Mr. Gillaspy,] styles the gentleman from Henry)

Mr. WINCHESTER called for the previous question, which was seconded.

The question was upon ordering the main question to be put.

Mr. CLARKE, of Henry. I hope the gentleman from Hardin [Mr. Winchester,] will withdraw his call for the previous question, until I can reply to some allusions that have been made to me in regard to this matter.

Mr. WINCHESTER. I think we have had discussion enough upon this subject, and it is time it was brought to a close.

The question was then taken upon ordering the main question to be put, and it was not agreed to.

Mr. CLARKE, of Henry. There is a game very frequently played in this convention, and I am very much obliged to gentlemen for lending their aid to others to carry out that game. I should not have spoken again, in regard to this question, had it not been for the remarks made by the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall,] in connection with the remarks or the gentleman from Lucas, [Mr. Edwards.] The gentle. man from Lucas referred to "the gentleman from Henry," as though he had been a very troublesome person here, as though he had not regarded the rights and privileges and dignity of the standing committees. This "gentleman from Henry," it seems, has not agreed to all the reports of these standing committees, and it is said he has come in here, with an audacity astonishing and surprising, and has moved to refer the reports of certain standing committees, or certain portions of those reports, to special committees. Now if the gentleman will point out where "the gentleman from Henry" has made any such motion, except in one instance, I shall be very uuch obliged to him. 1 made one motion of that kind, and I did so at the earnest request of a gentleman upon the other side, who came to me, and with a liberality which I in vain looked for from those who ought to stand by me, shoulder to shoulder, fighting

for the principles they profess-he came to me, and suggested that I should move for the reference of the article on the bill of rights to a special committee. I made that motion, and that is the only motion of the kind I have submitted in this body. So much for that charge.

[February 23d.

right to force upon the people his own individual opinions? I consult the people, each individual of them, in regard to to his opinions, in relation to this matter, and propose to let him vote exactly as he sees fit upon it. This I do. without endangering, without sacrificing, I might say, the constitution.

man upon this floor, to whatever party he might belong. Gentlemen can recollect that I made that statement. And when I did come forward with the proposition that this question should be submitted to the people of this State, and they should be permitted to decide upon it, what did it amount to? Was it not consistent with the It seems to have been supposed, by some gen-position I now take here, that no man has a tlemen here, from some resolutions that I introduced into this convention during the first part of its session, that I would take the position, and attempt to carry it through here, to have the word "white" stricken from the constitution. I know this was the impression, because gentlemen upon both sides of the house have spoken to me in regard to it. Now gentlemen may think that they know very much in regard to the intentions of "the gentleman from Henry," and they may buzz about, in their little way, concerning the positions of "the gentleman from Henry." Gentlemen may think they understand "the gentleman from Henry," that they are capable of measuring, and can tell just what he thinks, and how far he is desirous of going, and all about it. I would inform those gentlemen that they would come nearer the truth, if they would judge of me by my own speeches, and from my own declarations, and not go to others, and get their opinions concerning me.

I say now, that I have never, for one moment, desired this convention to strike the word "white" from this constitution. That is the position of "the gentleman from Henry." I say now, that if this convention would delegate to me the power, if, with the consent of the gentleman from Lucas, the convention would put me alone upon a special committee, and say they would adopt whatever report I might see fit to make, I would not recommend to this body to strike the word "white" from our constitution. And why not? Because I would not desire to see it stricken out? No. Because I do not recognise that any man has the right to compel the people of this State to take just whatever to him may seem best.

But I say now-and gentlemen may repeat it hereafter whenever and wherever they please, and I shall stand fearlessly upon the recordthat I myself would strike that word out of our constitution wherever it occurs, if I had the power, and the people of this State could only be made to believe that it ought to be stricken out. Individually, I think it should be stricken

out.

I am willing to live under a constitution, as I have lived before, in which that word does not exist. I was brought up under such a constitution, and I believe it is right. That is my position. There is no favoritism in that.

When, therefore, this question was referred to a select committee, the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr. Hall] has no right to say there could be no such thing as a compromise. I stated upon this floor that I thought a proposition might be brought forward here, that would meet with the concurrence of every reasonable

And I say again, that when I presented the proposition to the gentleman from Des Moines, as one of that committee, I distinctly understood him to say, and I am certain my ears could not deceive me-"that is good democratic doctrine, the leaving the question to the people." I suppose the gentleman from Des Moines was looking for a proposition from me to strike the word "white" from the constitution, and when I came forward with a mere proposition, a mere resolution to let the people vote upon this question, independently and separately from the constitution, making no hazard whatever of the constitution itself, I thought I saw upon his part a willingness to accept the proposition. Ho looked over the resolution with me, and suggested some alterations, which were concurred in. I certainly understood him to regard it as being in accordance with sound democratic doctrine.

awhile since, concerning the object of printing Now, for the grounds of the charge I made these reports.

ex

I thought I saw manifested a desire to make political capital out of this matter. What else could I think, when I left the gentleman with the understanding I have referred to, and when he knew I would report the resolution with the alterations he had suggested? And I was ceedingly surprised this morning, when that gentleman brought in here as a report, a lengthy, to a proposition to strike out the word "white" elaborate argument, which might have applied from the constitution now and at once, but had which I presented to this body. My proposition no application whatever to the proposition be submitted to the people whether the word was a simple resolution that the question should "white" should be stricken out of the constitu

tion.

elaborate argument, of which I had no knowlThe gentleman comes in here with a most horrible dangers which would result to the peoedge whatever, setting forth the wonderful and ple if the Constitution should be so amended, and incorporating into the very body of his report some lengthy speech which he or some one else made upon some other occasion, and which he endorses, with all it contains. I was taken completely by surprise. I understood the gentleman, and others of the committee, I am sure, so understood him, as concurring in the policy

of putting this question out of this Convention, and have no further agitation upon it here, but permit it to be passed upon by the people as a separate matter.

[February 23d

Hall] and of the gentleman from Johnson [Mr. Clarke] who will not vote for this constitution as it now stands, unless they can at the same time vote upon the proposition I have submitted, The question naturally arose in my mind, or something similar to it, as a distinct propowhat is the object of this report? Is it for the sition. I know there are many of my constitupurpose of proving to gentlemen here that the ents who are of that opinion; I know there are people can not and ought not to be trusted? many such all over the State, who are at heart Why so; that cannot be, because the gentleman honest democrats, not lovers merely of one parhas always expressed the utmost confidence in ticular class, not the protectors and defenders the intelligence of the people; and he certainly of merely one class, but they are at heart really cannot be afraid now that they would vote to honest, democratic republicans, who want to vote strike this word "white" out of the Constitution. for clean democratic principles, and who will He cannot spread his report here for the purpose not want to vote for a constitution which has of enlightening the constituency he represents, embodied in it a distinction which is at war with and which are so intelligent, or to enlighten the principles which we have laid down in our members here in regard to the danger of sub- fundamental law. But they will vote for your mitting this question to the people, and allowing constitution, if at the same time they are perthem to act upon it. mitted to vote, by way of protest, or whatever you may choose to call it, for a separate clause, which shall in itself say-make your constitution purely democratic and republican. And in voting for that, they will vote for those principles which they believe to be correct.

Then what object could the gentleman have in view in submitting this minority report? Non at all, except what Lo has himself intimated may be done, bringing in a report here to be printed in the columns of party newspapers to be used for political effect. Now I am not afraid of the effect of anything the gentleman or others here may place before the people, if they will only place the whole matter before them. I shall do nothing here, and I trust the Convention will do nothing, that I should be ashamed to have all God's creation to know. And I am not afraid of the time that this Convention may consume here, whether it be a day more or less.

But I will tell you what I do dislike and despise from the very bottom of my heart: It is, that men, no matter of what political party, whether democrats or republicans, who have assembled here to settle principles of fundamental law which are to guide legislatures and courts bereafter-that these men should descend to make use of their positions here to make political capital. I would not lend myself to assist in carrying out any such plan.

That is the only reason why I shall vote, as I shall vote this time, in regard to this question of printing, the motion to print the other reports having been voted down. I shall vote against printing these reports. As the gentleman from Jasper, [Mr. Skiff, ]has already intimated, there is but one idea contained in this resolution from the committee, and the Convention can understand it at once and exactly. It is, that this question shall be submitted to the people, and they are to be permitted to vote upon it as they

see fit.

Mr. HALL. It was Talleyrand, I believe, who said that language was not given to man to express his thoughts, but to conceal them. Now, I cannot for one moment imagine or understand how the gentleman from Henry [Mr. Clarke] The could have understood me as he states. first page, or more, of the report I have submitted, was drawn up at the time he and I had the conversation he has referred to, and I used the very language I have used in this report. I ask permission of the convention to read the first part of the report. It is as follows:

consideration of the committee, changing the "The only question brought forward for the article referred to, was the propriety of striking

out the word "white."

The majority of the committee have not deemed that amendment as proper or expedient, but have adopted a special course of bringing the question before the people by a separate proposition and vote.

To this mode of treating the subject there can be no great objection. It resolves itself into & mere question of propriety or expediency."

This was the very sentiment I uttered in the conversation we had together, that there was no great objection to the proposition, it was a mere question of expediency altogether. But the report I made this morning goes on to show that it is not expedient to submit this question at this time to the people.

I think the gentleman from Johnson [Mr. I do not see how the gentleman could have But if he has this morning Clarke] will find himself mistaken in what he misunderstood me. says about the number who will favor this prop-correctly stated his own sentiments, then I have osition. I believe there are more than five men most egregiously mistaken him, and misunderhere who will vote for this resolution; I believe stood his position, for I think the arguments of there are more than that number of righteous that gentleman have been most distinctly, unmen in this body. I have greater confidence in qualifiedly, and vehemently in favor of striking the members of this convention than that. And the word "white" from the constitution. more than that, there are numbers of the constituents of the gentleman from Des Moines [Mr.

The question recurred upon the motion to reconsider the vote ordering the reports of the

JOHNSTON-CLARK-PETERS-HARRIS.

The question being then taken, by yeas and nays, the mation to reconsider was agreed to; yeas 17, nays 13; as follows:

Yeas-The President, Messrs. Bunker, Clark of Alamakee, Clarke of Henry, Clarke of Johnson, Edwards, Gower, Gray, Hollingsworth, Scott, Seely, Skiff, Traer, Warren, Wilson, Winchester and Young.

Nays-Messrs. Ayres, Emerson, Gibson, Gillaspy, Hall, Harris, Johnston, Palmer, Patter-gro the right of suffrage, they will control the son, Peters, Price, Robinson, and Solomon.