objects? These considerations caused great alarm in the Irish government, which was still farther augmented by the sudden appearance of the Defenders-an association of the oppressed Catholic peasantry for self-assertion and self-defence,-who, though in no ways connected with the Catholic Committee, professed the same religion, and suffered under the same grievances. Under these circumstances, the government prepared to adopt a deep and wily policy with the Catholics. They determined to draw them off from connexion with the Protestant Reformers by large concessions of relief: they resolved to bribe them into quiet by ameliorations of the penal code,-at the same time that they endeavoured to foment dissensions between them-to play them off against each other, and, if possible, to bring them into collision with each other. The means by which the English ministry set about accomplishing these objects, were exceedingly artful. The intimation was conveyed to the heads of the principal Catholic families, through the Duchess of Buckingham, herself a Catholic, that the minister was exceedingly anxious to abrogate the penal statutes, and that government would use all its influence in their favour. Thus encouraged, the Catholics prepared and forwarded a petition to Parliament for a repeal of the penal statutes. The agents of the government took the opportunity of representing this as the first step of the Catholics towards religious supremacy, as well as towards the reclaimation of the confiscated estates of their ancestors. By this means the government sought to infuriate the ascendancy against the Catholic population. The petition was at once rejected by a majority of 208 to 23. Nevertheless, a Catholic Relief Bill was introduced by Mr. O'Neill and Mr. Gardner,-which was opposed by the Protestant gentry as most dangerous to the country, and was at once rejected. Pitt, however, was resolved to humiliate the Irish Parliament, and make it contemptible even to itself. The same Catholic Relief Bill was introduced the following year, 1793, by the government; and, to the surprise of all, it passed by nearly the same majority that had so contemptuously kicked it out only a few months before! Probably, however, the success of the French republican armies in the Netherlands at this time, had no small share in these concessions of 1793.*

By the Catholic Relief Bill of 1793, the Catholics were ad

It should be recollected that these concessions were made more in fear than in friendship. The revolutionary war was about to commence -the flames of republicanism had spread far and near. It was eagerly caught up amongst the Protestant and especially among the Presbyterian population of the north of Ireland. Belfast was its warmest focus; it was the deep interest of the British Government to detach the wealth and intelligence of the Catholics of Ireland from the republican party. This policy was adopted. The Catholics were conciliated. The Catholic nobility, gentry, mercantile, and other educated classes, almost to a man, separated from the republican party, That which would otherwise have been a revolution, became only an unsuccessful rebellion. The intelligent and leading Catholics were conciliated, and Ireland was once again, by the wise policy of concession and conciliation, saved to the British crown.— O'CONNELL'S MEMOIR OF IRELAND, p. 24-5.

mitted to the exercise of the elective franchise, though they were still debarred from sitting in Parliament. The Bar was opened to them, but they were still shut out from the Bench and the higher offices of state. They were allowed, however, to exercise all the subordinate civil and military offices, and places of trust and profit under the crown. Yet these concessions, great though they were as compared with the past treatment of the Catholics, did not cause unqualified gratification. The grant was felt to be "a panicstruck capitulation,-a sacrifice of ancient monopoly, given up reluctantly to the command of a superior, and in obedience to the advancing dangers of the times." It only served to disgust Catholic and Protestant alike with the venality of the Irish legislature. There was no grace in the act; it was extorted by the minister, whom the Parliament, now thoroughly enslaved, did not dare to disobey. Even while they granted the franchise to the Catholics, they contemplated turning it to their own selfish advantage. Those who had estates peopled by Catholics, saw in the measure only the extension of their power over the consciences of their tenantry. They prepared to take possession of their votes as part of their landed property. The emancipation was one of shreds and patches, and still left the Catholics branded as an inferior caste. It is not improbable, however, that more liberal concessions would have followed, had not Pitt pushed on the rebellion, and put a stop to social progress in Ireland for many years to come.

Shortly after passing the Catholic Relief Bill, the Irish Parliament passed several coercive measures at the call of the government. One of these acts was "To prevent the election or appointment of assemblies purporting to represent the people, or any description or numbers of the people, under pretence of preparing or presenting petitions, &c. &c., to the King, or either House of Parliament, for alteration of matters established by law, or redress of alleged grievances in Church or State." Another act was directed against the importation of arms and military stores; and another was passed for raising a militia. At the same time, the government was supported in all its coercive measures against the people. Trials for sedition became numerous; public meetings were dispersed by force; arbitrary fines were imposed on the editors of newspapers; and the reign of terror fairly commenced. The dragon's teeth had long been sowing, and they shortly after sprung up in the shape of armed men.

The next step in the policy of exasperation was the recall of the Earl of Westmoreland, and the appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam, in 1795, to the Viceroyalty of Ireland. This amiable and liberal-minded nobleman belonged to the Whig party, and was highly respected throughout the country. He had large possessions in Ireland, and was extremely popular as being a kind and indulgent landlord. His presence in Dublin was hailed with

enthusiastic delight by all classes of the people; and it was anticipated that such a conciliatory policy would now be adopted and persevered in as would tranquillize the country, and avert the dreaded consequences of civil rebellion. It would seem, however, that this formed, in reality, no part of the intentions of the English minister; but that, on the other hand, his object was merely to awaken hopes which should never be realised, to sting the people into premature resistance, and thus force on the political crisis which he had so long expected. At all events, such was the actual result, whatever may have been the intended one.

Lord Fitzwilliam accepted office on the sole condition that he should have the power to grant complete emancipation to the Catholics, and to carry a Reform of the Irish House of Commons. He also stipulated for the power to dismiss from office and power all such persons as had lost the confidence of the country. He had scarcely assumed the reins of government ere he proceeded to fulfil his intentions. Bills for the emancipation of the Catholics, the reform of the police establishment, and the improved representation of the people in Parliament, were introduced, with little opposition; and several unworthy persons were dismissed from office with ample compensation. Among these was a member of the Beresford family, who now divided among them a very large share of the public emoluments of the country. They overran every department in the state, and monopolised the whole Custom-house. The public frauds of which they were proved to be guilty were enormous. In one single instance, the public were defrauded of £60,000. In one family were found united the different lucrative situations of Commissioner of the Treasury, Commissioner of Revenue, Counsel to the Commissioners, Store-keeper, and Banker. The head of this family had a son-in-law Treasurer, and a brother-in-law Chancellor; and he aimed now at making his brother Primate. This person was dismissed by Earl Fitzwilliam, with a compensation of £3,000 per annum, his family retaining the places and emoluments actually in their possession. Pitt expostulated with the Viceroy on the dismissal of this person; and perhaps it afforded a favourable opportunity for his now breaking faith with Lord Fitzwilliam.

The history of this transaction, so honourable to Lord Fitzwilliam, so disgraceful to Pitt, is found detailed in the two interesting letters of that noble lord to the Earl of Carlisle. Lord Fitzwilliam there shows that it had already been determined to effect a Union-that the peace of Ireland was to be sacrificed to attain that object--and that, as Lord Fitzwilliam almost expresses it, Beresford was preferred to him in order that rebellion might be excited. "Charged," says he, "with the government of a distracted and discontented country, am I alone to be fettered and restrained in the choice of the persons by whom I am to be assisted? -and, rather than indulge in that single point-even considering

it in the light of indulgence-must the people of England boldly force, I had almost said, the certainty of driving this kingdom into a rebellion, and open another breach for ruin and destruction to break in upon us !"

"You must make your choice," said Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Pitt, "between Beresford and me." Pitt did make his choice,it was corruption; and the corruption was followed by coercion ; and the coercion was followed by rebellion, bloodshed, and all the horrors and calamities that await on civil strife.

The recall of Earl Fitzwilliam was the signal for renewed discord. The people were exasperated to the highest pitch; they had now been brought into the proper state to be goaded into a rebellion. The administration of Lord Camden, who succeeded Lord Fitzwilliam, was throughout a scene of open strife. "Two desperate parties," said Mr. Grattan, were now in arms against the Constitution. On the one side there was the camp of the rebel; on the other the camp of the minister, a greater traitor than the rebel; and the treason of the minister against the people was infinitely worse than the rebellion of the people against the minister."

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Public riots in Dublin signalized the entrance of Lord Camden upon his viceroyalty. The public fury first fell upon the Beresfords, the supposed cause of Lord Fitzwilliam's departure. The Chancellor was assailed by the populace, in his carriage; he was pelted with stones, one of which struck him a severe blow on the forehead. His house was attacked, and he himself escaped with the greatest difficulty. The people next attacked the Custom House, where Mr. Beresford, the commissioner, resided; and several shots were fired from the windows, by which one man was killed and several were wounded. Lord Camden himself dared not appear abroad without a strong body-guard of soldiers, who were hooted and hissed by the multitude.

From this period the spirit of insurrection rapidly increased; the plans of the United Irishmen became matured; and Mr. Pitt's scheme rapidly advanced towards completion. The Irish Parlament was now prostrate at the feet of the minister; Grattan, Ponsonby, and the rest of the opposition, had withdrawn; Ireland was fast approaching a state of anarchy; and the dogs of war were preparing, in all directions, to be let loose upon the people.

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CHAPTER XXXVII.

THE UNITED IRISHMEN-Their origin-Their objects-Republican opinions of the Northern Irish-The first Society formed in Belfast-Establishment of The Northern Star-The Catholics invited to join the United Irishmen Theobald Wolfe Tone's Appeal-Great Convention Meetings-Alarm of GovernmentThey pass the Catholic Relief Bill-Their object to disunite Catholics from the United Irishmen-Coercive Measures of the Government-Arrests and TrialsSuppression of Public Meetings-New Organization of the United SocietyA French Agent in Ireland arrested-The attention of the Irish people directed towards France for Aid-Lord Edward Fitzgerald joins the United IrishmenSketch of his Life and Character-Negociations entered into with FranceTheobald Wolfe Tone appointed Agent-Proceeds to France-Interview with Carnot-His extraordinary Success-General Hoche appointed commander of an Expedition to Ireland-Sanguinary measures of the Irish Government-Hoche's Expedition sets sail-Its Fate-Alarm throughout Ireland-The Government perseveres in its Injustice-The Opposition withdraw from Parliament--Military Law proclaimed-Atrocities of the Soldiery and Yeomanry-The OrangemenThe People prevented from rising by their Chiefs-More Agents dispatched to France-The Second French Expedition assembles in the Texel-Its Fate-Military Force of the United Irishmen-The Government employ Spies and Informers-Curran's scathing Denunciations-Reynolds, the Informer-Arrest of Mr. O'Connor-Appointment of a Revolutionary Staff-Arrest of the Direc tory of the United Irishmen -New Plan of Insurrection-Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald-Captain Armstrong, the Informer-The Kingdom declared in a state of Rebellion-Renewed Tortures of the People --The Outbreak.

THE Society of United Irishmen sprung from the ashes of the Volunteer Associations. The Volunteers had failed to accomplish the independence of Ireland; but the lessons which they had taught sank deep into the national mind, and stimulated the people to renewed exertions in the cause of Irish freedom. Though the Whig leaders had abandoned the movement when they found that they incurred the risk of a collision with the government, other leaders arose from among the people themselves, who took up the principles they had thrown aside, and endeavoured to carry them into practical realization.

Among the principles prominently advocated by the Volunteers in their palmiest days, were those of Parliamentary Reform. The same principles were advocated by all the leading reformers of the day, by William Pitt, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Charlemont, Stewart (afterwards Lord Castlereagh), Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and their contemporaries. The published sentiments of these men exercised a powerful influence upon public opinion; and infused themselves especially into the minds of the rising generation. The military demonstrations of the Volunteers also, at the same time that they awoke the young enthusiasm of Ireland, and propagated among all ranks the feelings of independence and self-reliance, closely associated the idea of political movement with