of food, but that they are famishing for instruction, completely destitute of all idea of noble, generous, or elevated feelings; they are completely miserable, because the community in which they live allows them no rights whatever, and only repulses them as a mean and despicable race of beings; miserable from the traditional vices and crimes in which they live, and which they have inherited from generation to generation, and which is continued and encouraged by the very contact with society; they are truly miserable from being completely destitute of all intelligence, and the spirit of right or wrong, without one ray of light to reflect on the mind the image of personal dignity; miserable because the inadequacy of our laws affords them no protection against the violence and abuse to which they are exposed; truly miserable, for they are the pariahs of society, bound only to work, mere labouring machines, employed for the benefit of others, and held as goods or chattels, sold or transferred at the will or caprice of their owners.

The above outline is not less true than revolting.

But unfortunately, not only here and in the present day, but in all times past and in all countries, not only vested interests, but established privileges and abuses, always look upon all new ideas that point to social progress or an assumption of liberty as a violation of justice or infringement of rights.

The periods of transition are always troubled. When old or useless institutions are overthrown; when prejudicial and inveterate abuses are destroyed; when vested interests, leading a sluggish life of contentment, are attacked: when, in a word, important and radical reforms are carried out, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to avoid jarring, convulsions, and collisions, which very often have the appearance of outbreak and disorder.

Whatever exists, even if it has no right to do so, the moment the hand of reform or order touches or overthrows it, at once shouts, complains, and protests; considers itself unapproachable, inviolable, and at once complains against the innovating reform; protests with convulsions of rage or in tears of distress that we are on the brink of an abyss, are falling into anarchy, or are coming to the end of the world. But the tempest calms down, the horizon clears up, the atmosphere is purified, and harmony is restored, confusion disappears, if ever there was any, and the troubles of transition are fully compensated by solid and lasting benefits.

One of our deepest thinkers and most talented men of the day, Latino Coelho, said, in his beautiful style, which all admire, that all new ideas have three periods. In its first period, it is sacrilege; when it undergoes persecution and martyrdom. The second period is that of philosophy; the period of violent argument and discussion. The third period is that of institution; the period of triumph and realization.

All the grand conceptions of mankind, whether of science or of art, belonging to the mind or to the historical occurrences of the world, have undergone these phases above-mentioned.

The greatest revolution presented to us by history, in a social point of view, is certainly that of Christianity-a revolution without soldiers or armis, a revolution of love and gentleness, of peace and liberty.

And history tells us that, when the apostles of Christianity preached the new ideas, the wealthy pagans, the egotists and the privileged classes of all denominations, denounced the new creed as a superstition.

The pagans looked on the preaching of Christianity as a destruction of the former social order in a life of corruption. The Jews looked upon it as a final judgment for the iniquities, abuses, and corruption of a degenerate people.

And as Christianity triumphed, so will this idea of emancipation.

Human slavery was honoured and defended in ancient times by the most eminent philosophers. The doctrine of the equality of man, held against slavery, was at first an utopia of the philosophers, it was afterwards a crusade of all generous and liberal minds, and is now an established truth of all institutions.

Therefore we see nothing in it but what all enlightened ideas might and should have anticipated.

There exists no argument that can justify the many and varied apprehensions which are heard about this emancipation; these fears and apprehensions are doubtless true and sincere in many cases, but in others they serve only to spread discord and confusion among those who would sincerely do their utmost towards emancipation.

Other nations of the world, other Colonies, underwent similar trials and crises, and came out victorious from their difficulties, conquering all obstacles and establishing a perfect equilibrium. Similar doubts and fears were manifested when the ignominious Slave Trade was prohibited, and yet the beneficial result of that abolition, which was the first step towards emancipation, was at once perceived.

It is since that period that our African Colonies have begun to prosper and flourish on the road of civilization and progress, though with tardy and timid steps in consequence of the violence of the commotion.

We can safely affirm that the same will now occur if both Government and private energy will, with united efforts, smooth the difficulties in this transition of liberty and emancipation.

We are convinced that all parties who will not, through obstinacy, permit their interests or caprice to clash against the logical and natural tendencies of this social reform, will accept its liberal

principles, and readily contribute with their good will and labour in the good cause.

It is alleged that the emancipation of this class of slaves will cause a scarcity of hands for labour.

We would say that this argument is one of the most trivial and insignificant that can be adduced in favour of that useless abortion called forced labour, and which is nothing else but slavery.

What reason is there to affirm that free labour is impossible in the aborigines, if it has not yet been tried? Can any one say that work is impossible so long as the produce or compensation reverts in favour of those who render the service? but that it now is so, when the payments go to the pockets of the masters, who are, with few exceptions, the human vampires of their slaves.

Reason and common sense advise us to hope that experience will justify our favourable opinion on this doctrine.

Social truths are not like geometrical facts; reflection alone is not always sufficient to establish them, neither can they be established by theoretical considerations. It is by time alone that they can be justified and confirmed.

Meanwhile, as a guarantee to what we say, and say it from deep conviction, we could refer to hundreds of examples in other countries which are mentioned in a letter which the honourable Members of this Committee received from one of the most prominent names of our modern history, the noble Marquis of Sá da Bandeira, the man who has rendered more services than any one to the cause of liberty, and whose brave sword has ever been one of the most solid supports of the nation.

Were it necessary to adduce further arguments, we would say that legislation should ever bear in mind the good and welfare of the greatest number, that is, the principle of benefit and utility to the greatest number.

If the forced labour of the slaves was distributed in the proportion of one slave to each master, there might be some cause to hesitate before weighing in the scales of justice the advantages of some and the disadvantages of others. It would then be possible that the benefit effected might be equal, or a trifle superior to the evil sustained.

But this is not the case.

The condition of the slaves, notwithstanding the laws regulating the rights and duties of that class is the part belonging to the greatest number. One master very often counts his slaves like his herds of cattle, by the tens and hundreds. The advantages and interests are on the side of one party alone, the disadvantages on

*See Decrees of December 14, 1854, and July 24, 1856.

that of the greatest number. Even if the evil were not very large, it is evident that the great numbers would make it enormous— immense and by far too much so to make it possible to continue. Setting aside other considerations, there would be no room for a moment's hesitation between the loss to the master from emancipation of his slaves and the incalculable benefit resulting to them.

There is still another consideration, that free labour is more productive than that of the bondman or slave. It is well understood that violence and fear of punishment are very unfavourable conditions to produce a full yield from the labour of any workman what

ever.

Two well-known circumstances contribute very materially to diminish the profits of forced labour-the want of stimulus derived from the want of individual recompense, and the want of guarantee and security. We would also add, the constant hesitation on the part of the slaves that do not work for themselves to show the full extent of their abilities, but always to do less than they can do. Emancipation would certainly be a dead loss to many masters of so much of their property, but the work produced by the freemen would certainly be superior to what they now do, and would revert in their favour, and to the benefit of society.

To provide for the want of hands, so much complained of by agriculturists and artists, we would mention the system adopted in various countries and in foreign colonies with complete success.

In North and South America, where forced labour has long ago ceased to exist, emigration has been considered the best means of solving the question of forced labour.

The United States of America and Brazil owe their immense prosperity to foreign emigration. The Governments of both these countries have protected the importation of emigrants, assisting all such undertakings, encouraging the formation of companies for that purpose, advancing large sums for that purpose, and attracting emigrants by every means.

The labour of man, when properly applied and directed, unfolds and develops the natural riches of the earth. In North and South America labour and intelligence, assisted by a constantly increasing emigration from abroad, have worked wonders of industry, to the astonishment of all the nations of Europe.

Some economists would oppose foreign emigration, from the diplomatic complications to which it gives occasion, an example of which we had lately in the Province of Pará. But this very case, which might have had very serious consequences to the Portuguese Government and the Portuguese Colony established there, should serve as a lesson to us,

As long as there exists a fatal necessity of emigrating from t1

metropolis, it is but just and rational that public and private enterprise should employ it in favour of our African Colonies.

The formation of a company destined to assist and to direct to this province the current of emigration, not only from the metropolis, but from different points on the African coast and from the wild bush of the interior, seems to us to be a measure of incalculable benefit and interest. The inhabitants of Krou, not very far from our province, have been tried with the best possible results, showing always a quiet and laborious disposition, sober and honest, and could be of the greatest service to us.

With respect to voluntary emigration from the interior, the Committee is divided in opinion as to the possibility or impossibility of its being carried out.

Some were of opinion that nothing had as yet been done to favour this emigration, and that much might be expected from the advancement and increased enlightenment of the province. Others were convinced that the introduction of negroes from the wild interior could only be effected by purchase, as slavery continues there in full operation.

The necessity of allowing the importation of the aborigines from the interior is generally recognized, as it is the habit and custom of these people from the remotest antiquity to transact these purchases with the wild chiefs of the bush. It is affirmed that this is the only means of avoiding the barbarous murders and horrid slaughter of thousands of individuals, of which we have frequent examples in the Kingdom of Dahomey, and which would be repeated in the interior if they had not a means of getting rid of what they consider as wizards, and very often criminals of imaginary offences.

Supposing it to be a case of necessity, it would be necessary to attenuate its effects, so that any such transaction, permitted or tolerated by law, should not be considered a renewal of the nefarious Slave Trade, the abolition of which was one of the most precious conquests of civilization and progress.

Upon this point the opinions of the Committee diverged considerably. Some were of opinion that the purchase of negroes from the wild interior should be prohibited, on the foundation that such a transaction could never be legal on Portuguese territory, where every one is considered to be free. Other members of the Committee were of opinion that these purchases or ransoms are indispensable, as a means of supplying a want of labourers for agriculture and for transporting goods; and considered this act as one of humanity, inasmuch as it saved the lives of human beings condemned to a certain death; and they would even see that to these liberators the means of drawing the best profit from these operations were guaranteed to them.