monoseki expedition. . . . The daimyo of Choshu had learned by an expensive experience the . . . bitter lesson [that it was folly to resist modern western armaments]. For the future the two powerful clans [Satsuma and Choshu] might . . . be counted on, not only to oppose the moribund government of Yedo, but to withstand the folly of trying to expel the foreigners who by treaty with an unauthorized agent had been admitted into the country. The Choshu leaders had also taken advantage of their experiences in this conflict with foreigners to put their troops on a better basis as regards arms and organization. For the first time the privilege of the samurai to do all the fighting, was disregarded, and a division of troops was formed from the common people, which was armed with foreign muskets and drilled in the western tactics. They went by the name of 'irregular troops' (kiheitai), and played no small part in rendering nugatory the efforts of the shogun to 'chastise' the daimyo of Choshu in 1865 and 1866. ... While these serious collisions were taking place between Japan and the foreign powers, there was an increasing and irreconcilable animosity developed between the Kyoto and Yedo governments. The ostensible reason, which was put forward on all occasions, was the difference of opinion upon the question of the foreign treaties and foreign intercourse. The Yedo government . . . had been convinced that the task of expelling foreigners and returning again to the ancient policy of seclusion was far beyond the power of Japan. On the contrary, the court of the emperor was a hotbed of anti-foreign sentiment in which all the ancient prejudices of the empire naturally flourished, and where the feudal princes who were jealous of the shogun found a ready element in which to foment difficulties. . . . Two important games were in progress. Yedo was the field on which one of these was to be decided, and the players were the representatives of the treaty powers on the one side, and the shogun's government on the other. Victory had already been virtually declared in favor of an open country and foreign intercourse. The other game was being played at Kyoto between the shogun's friends and his enemies. The stake was a momentous one, namely, to determine whether the present dual government was to continue and who was hereafter to wield the destinies of the empire. . . . But a vast number of the feudal retainers of the daimyos were still bitterly hostile, and took frequent occasion to commit outrages. . . . These repeated outrages disturbed the Yedo government, and led to several attempts to curtail the privileges which by the treaties were secured to foreigners. The last proposition of the kind which was made was one conveyed to the French government by an embassy sent out in 1864. . . . They received no couragement, however, and returned with their eyes 'opened by the high state of material and moral prosperity which surrounded them,' and reported the complete failure of their attempts at persuasion. . . . It is necessary now to trace the course of events at Kyoto. According to the theory of the government of Japan the emperor was the supreme and unlimited ruler and the shogun was his executive. The maintenance of the emperor and his court was a function of the shogun, and hence it was almost always possible for him to compel the emperor to pursue any policy which he might desire. At the time now under review Komei . . . occupied the imperial throne. He had succeeded to this dignity in 1847 at the age of eighteen. . . . The shogun was Iemochi, who in 1858 had been chosen from the family

en

JAPAN, 1863-1868

of Kii, because of the failure of an heir in the regular line. At the time of his election he was a boy of twelve years of age, and was placed under the guardianship of the prime minister Ii Kamonno-kami... [who was assassinated] in 1861. Hitotsubashi Gyobukyo, a son of the daimyo of Mito, was then appointed guardian, and served in this capacity until the shogun's death. Around the court of the emperor were gathered many discordant elements. . . . The expulsion of fore.gners was the common subject of discussion and agitation. Although again and again it had been assured that it was impossible to dislodge the treaty powers from their position in the country, the court still continued to direct its efforts to this object. For the first time in two hundred and thirty years. . . [since Iemitsu, grandson of Ieyasu] went up to the Imperial court, the Shogun Iemochi visited Kyoto in 1863 in order to consult about the affairs of the country. : . . Conferences were held between the daimyos who were present in Kyoto and the officials of the court, and in spite of the objections and remonstrances of the Yedo official, an imperial edict was issued and entrusted to the shogun for execution, to expel from the country the hated foreigners. This edict was notified to the representatives of the treaty powers by the Yedo officials. They seemed, however, to regard their duty fully done when this notice was given. . . . The territory of Choshu had become the rendezvous for all the disaffected elements of the empire. The daimyo was looked upon as the patriotic leader of the country, and ronins from all parts hastened to enroll themselves under his banner. In the summer of 1864 the Choshu forces, to the number of several thousand, composed not only of the samurai of the province, but also of the disaffected ronins who had gathered there, and of the 'irregular troops' . . . were encountered by Hitotsubashi. ... [and] after a battle which lasted several days, and which raged chiefly about the imperial palace, the Choshu troops were completely defeated and forced to retire. The troubles in Choshu were finally brought to a close. The efforts of the shogun, although conducted at great expense, were unavailing. Satsuam, when summoned to render aid in crushing the rebellious prince, declined to join in the campaign. Through the efforts of Saigo Kichmoske, a treaty of amity was effected between the two clans. . . . Peace was negotiated between the shogun and the rebels. Thus the Choshu episode was ended . . . with a distinct gain to the cause of the imperial restoration. It had long been recognized that the treaties which had been made by the foreign powers would possess a greatly increased influence on the Japanese people if they could have the sanction of the emperor. . . . A memorial was presented to the emperor in the name of the shogun, setting forth the embarrassment unIder which the administration of the country had been conducted on account of the supposed opposition of the emperor to the treaties, and begging him to relieve them by signifying his sanction and assuring him that if this is not given, the foreign representatives who are at Hyogo will proceed to the capital and demand it at his hands. It ended in the sanction of the treaties being signified October 23, 1865, by the following laconic decree addressed to the shogun: "The imperial consent is given to the treaties, and you will therefore undertake the necessary arrangements therewith.' During this critical time the Shogun Iemochi died September 19, 1866, at his castle in Osaka at the age of eighteen. . . As guardian, Hitotsubashi had taken an active part in the effort to obtain the

sanction of the treaties, and the final success of this important step must in a great measure be attributed to him. After the death of Iemochi without direct heirs, the office of shogun was offered to Hitotsubashi as a representative of Mito, one of the 'honorable families' from whom a shogun was to be chosen in case of a failure of direct heirs. It is said that he accepted the office with great reluctance, knowing the troubles which would surely await him who assumed it, . . . [and] assented only on the command of the emperor. . . . He has thus the distinction of becoming the last of the long line of Tokugawa shoguns, under the name of Tokugawa Yoshinobu. A few months after the death of Iemochi, on the 3d of February, 1867, Emperor Komei also died from an attack of smallpox. . . . His son Mutsuhito, then in his fifteenth year, succeeded him. . . . It was thought that the death of an emperor of strong prejudices and of a mature age would naturally favor a more com

PRINCE KEIKI TOKUGAWA

plete control by the new shogun [especially as the new emperor was but a youth]. . . . But the shogun and his friends underrated the influences which were gathered at Kyoto, and which now went far beyond an anti-foreign sentiment and were chiefly concerned with schemes for restoring the imperial power and unifying the form of government. ., . The daimyo of Tosa . . . addressed a letter to the shogun in October, 1867, in which he frankly says: 'The cause [of our trouble] lies in the fact that the administration proceeds from two centres. . . . You should restore the governing power into the hands of the sovereign and so lay a foundation on which Japan may take its stand as the equal of other countries.' The shogun being deeply impressed with the wisdom of this advice drew up a document addressed to his vassals, asking their opinion of the advisability of his resignation. . . . 'I propose therefore to surrender the whole governing power into the hands of the imperial court. This is the best I can do for the interests of the empire.' According to this announced resolution, on the 19th of November, 1867, the shogun resigned into the

hands of the emperor his authority. This surrender was accepted, and thus a dynasty which had lasted from 1603 came to an end."-D. Murray, Japan, PP. 350-357, 359, 366.

ALSO IN: F. Brinkley, Japan, its history, arts and literature, v. 3, PP. 241-246.-K. S. Latourette, Development of Japan, p. 116.

But,

"The Tokugawa Shogunate even before Commodore Perry's visit was destined to be overthrown in the nineteenth century. Since the latter part of the eighteenth century, Dutch books had become popular. The so-called Dutch scholars, enlightened as to the world-situation through these Western literatures, became the pioneer advocates of the open-door policy, and introduced many new ideas into Japan. Scholars of classical learning and of national history disclosed the original national constitution in which the Emperor had been the supreme chief of the state, both de jure and de facto, and thus impressed the people with the fact that shoguns were merely political usurpers. Subsequently, the number of loyalists rapidly increased, and they boldly discussed the necessity of abolishing the maintenance of the Tokugawa Shogunate. There was still another factor which worked against the maintenance of the Tokugawa Shogunate, i.e. the powerful western daimyo, . . . who had been forced to recognize the supremacy of Tokugawa, and had always been awaiting an opportunity to become independent again. At first the Shogunate persecuted the Dutch scholars and their followers who had advocated the open-door policy. when it was at last obliged to consent to the demands of the Western powers, the loyalists with their foreign-exclusion doctrine bitterly criticized the Shogunate Court, and then the western daimyo availed themselves of this rare opportunity to stand against the Tokugawa Clan. The fanatic loyal foreign exclusionists and the discontented and ambitious western daimyo gathered in the Imperial Court of Kyoto and made strong protests against the Shogunate in the name of the Emperor. The prestige and power of the Tokugawa régime were thus rapidly declining, and the visit of Commodore Perry was the last and greatest incentive which precipitated the downfall of the Shogunate. The diplomatic difficulties and the internal disturbances now got beyond the control of the Tokugawa Shogunate. The intelligent daimyo became convinced that the Shogunate should restore all political power to the Emperor, and that only under the latter's direct command could the nation be unified to safely meet the international difficulties. Yodo Yamanouchi and Shigenaga Asano first of all had advised Shogun Keiki to that effect. Thereupon the latter convoked a great meeting of all daimyo and the influential vassals at his castle in Yedo for discussion. He decided to restore all his political power to the Emperor, and on October 14, 1867, presented a petition to the Throne. It was approved the next day, and October 24, Keiki, the Fifteenth Tokugawa Shogun, resigned his grand political and military posts. Thus the Tokugawa Shogunate, which had been established by Iyeyasu, ended after two hundred and fifty-six years of the most successful feudal régime ever witnessed in history. . . . The political institution of the state again returned to its original form, and the Emperor became the supreme chief. All these great political transformations, however, had been completed before the masses became aware of them. The system of communication was so defective that the happenings in one part of the country were almost unknown in other distant parts, and even the upper classes had met with great difficulty in finding out the real situation before making their

own decisions. . . . When the state of affairs was at last made clear, the people could scarcely believe that the Lord Shogun, of absolute power and the dignity of a god, could have been overthrown in such a short time. The western daimyo, the principal force which destroyed the Tokugawa régime, were really the revolutionists, who stood against the long-established Shogunate government, the de facto sovereign of the state. But by guarding the Imperial Court, the de jure sovereign, they gained the name loyalists, and the Shogun and his followers, on the contrary, were labeled the insurgents."-K. Kawabe, Press and politics in Japan, pp. 27-28.

1867-1917.-Protection of forests. See CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Japan: 18671917.

1868-1894.-From the restoration of the emperor to the beginning of war with China.-Era of political reorganization and constitutional development.-Emperor's charter oath.-Surrender of feudal fiefs.-Attempts to dispossess Samurai. Formosan expedition and conflict with Korea.-Satsuma rebellion.-Organization of Senate.-Establishment of elective assemblies.-Creation of nobility.-Promulgation of constitution.-"On the 8th of February, 1868, a nobleman of high rank in the Court delivered to the Diplomatic Representatives of the foreign powers a formal document bearing the sign manual of the Emperor and sealed with 'The Seal of Great Japan' for transmission to their Governments, in which the Emperor announced his intention of thenceforward exercising supreme authority both in the internal and external affairs of the country and of substituting in the treaties his own title for that of the Tycoon [Shogun]. This was followed a week later by a public rescript in which it was proclaimed that 'intercourse with foreign countries shall in future be carried on in accordance with the public law of the whole world,' and, as a first onward step on this path, an invitation soon followed to the Representatives to visit Kioto and be received in audience by His Majesty.... It is difficult even for a thinking Japanese of modern days to appreciate the significance of this event or to realise the profound impression which it created on those who had fought and schemed for the renewal of Japan's time-honoured seclusion. The ceremony was destined not to pass without its tragedy.. When Sir Harry Parkes, the British representative, who had been the first among his colleagues to recognise the new Government and to give it his strong moral support, was on his way to the palace, two fanatics, maddened at the desecration of the Emperor and of the city, suddenly attacked his English escort and inflicted severe wounds on ten of the men composing it, before they were themselves killed or disabled. The audience had to be postponed till the following day, but the incident, unhappy and tragic as it was, was not without its good results. It gave the young Emperor, who was receiving Europeans for the first time . . . an opportunity for expressing, with the sympathetic tact and dignity which characterized him in after life, his regret at what had happened and of manifesting his desire to prevent its recurrence.... An Imperial rescript was issued within a few days ordering the nation:-'to obey His Majesty's will in the fulfilment of the Treaties with Foreign Countries in accordance with the rules of International Law,' and declaring that:-'All persons in future guilty of murdering foreigners or of committing acts of violence towards them will be acting in opposition to His Majesty's express orders and be the cause of national misfortune. They will therefore be

JAPAN, 1868-1894

punished in proportion to the gravity of their offence, and their names if samurai, will be erased from the roll.' . . . Thenceforward the murder of a foreigner lost the character of a martyr and became a common criminal like any robber or thief. From that day outrages of this nature entirely ceased. . . . The foreign policy of the Emperor having been fully manifested to his people, the domestic policy remained to be declared, and it was soon seen that it was to be no less revolutionised than the foreign. As a first step the Emperor was to see and be seen by his people. . . . His first public appearance was made in a visit to Osaka, the great commercial city of Japan, twenty miles from the capital. Even then his presence among the people was more fictitious than real. Attended by an escort of over 10,000 men, he was carried in a palanquin, the bamboo blinds of which enabled

him to see without himself being seen. From the shore he reviewed the beginning of the Japanese fleet. It consisted of but six ships, all converted merchant steamers, not one of which exceeded 1000 tons or 300 horse power, and not one of them could yet be called his, all being owned by one or other of the great fiefs. The Tokugawas possessed other and more formidable ships, manned by officers and men who had already had some professional training from British officers, but these still lay at Yedo and they never became Imperial property. They were destined to perish at Hakodate in the last fight that was made by the Tokugawa partisans. The task of forming the new system of administration was vigorously pursued. A council of state was formed, seven departments were founded for the administration of the various branches of the Government, and all the feudal lords (daimio) having been summoned to Kioto, the Emperor in their presence and in that of all the Court nobles, assembled in solemn conclave, took what is known as the 'Charter Oath, which as the foundation of modern constitutional liberty holds

the same position in the history of Japan that the Magna Charta does in that of England. He promised, in the Oath, which consisted of five articles, that:-'A deliberative assembly should be formed and all measures decided by public opinion, that civil and military government should no longer be separated and that all classes of the people should with one mind devote themselves to the national welfare; that the rights of all classes should be assured; that the uncivilized customs of antiquity should be abolished and impartiality and justice administered according to universally recognised principles; and that intellect and learning should be sought for throughout the world, so that the foundations of the Empire might be firmly established.' The programme thus outlined was both extensive and ambitious and formulated a task which could only be carried to a successful accomplishment by earnest, courageous and able statesmen. Fortunately such were not wanting. At their head were some of the Court and feudal nobles, but their aggregate did not exceed half a dozen. The rest, about fifty in all, were samurai of the four great fiefs, Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa and Hizen, men whose ability and courage had brought them to the front; who, though of gentle birth, were low in rank, with no advantages of birth, means or education to differentiate them from tens of thousands of their fellows. Associated with them as their guides in foreign affairs were a few young students of their own class who had the advantage of a short education in Europe. . Further reforms were soon made. A new classification of the people was adopted. The old distinction between the court and feudal nobility was abolished and both were merged in one class under the title of Kwazoku or nobles, literally Flower Families. The remainder of the samurai, irrespective of the many gradations of rank in their own fiefs, were grouped under the title of Shizoku or gentry, and the rest of the people under that of Heimin or commoners. Kioto was the acknowledged capital of the Empire, but in the last three centuries Yedo had been the seat of the executive government, and the nation had grown accustomed to regard it as the source of all active authority. It was thought that the new Imperial executive would be more readily recognised if it were administered from the same seat as had been the old, and it was therefore decided that Yedo should in future be the Imperial capital, its name being changed to Tokio or Eastern capital, by which it has since been known."-J. H. Longford, Evolution of new Japan, pp. 30-33, 35-39.-"The significant place where the [charter] oath was taken was the Shi-shin-den, or Purple Mystery Hall, a separate edifice of noble proportions and venerable associations. The text was published in the castle of Nijo, the headquarters of the Camp which had long overawed the Throne. In its interior decoration, at least, this was the handsomest building in Kyoto, except possibly some of the gorgeous temples of the Shin, or 'Protestant' sect of Buddhists. In this edifice the assembled Court Nobles and the land holding barons had formed a house of assembly for the discussion of public questions. This 'Charter Oath' formed the basis of the Constitution of 1889. As matter of fact, it was twenty-one years before its provisions were fulfilled, the prerogative of the Emperor limited, the rights of Japanese subjects guaranteed, and their liberties assured. Bitter experience taught the Japanese statesmen that representative government could not be created at once, and that the too hasty introduction of liberal or democratic views in a country whose institutions were essen

[See

a

tially aristocratic would only lead to reaction and bloodshed. Nevertheless, here at Kyoto, in 1868, was the visible beginning of constitutional Japan." -W. E. Griffis, Mikado, pp. 136-137.—“At the time of the Restoration Japan was not only faced with bankruptcy but was entirely at the end of her tether. Neither the Shogunal, the Imperial, nor the feudal Governments had money or credit, and for a number of years the new Bureaucracy, who may be regarded as the national receivers, were forced to keep the ship of State in action by means of fiat paper money. Nor did the resources of the country or the state of industry give great promise of improvement. Manufactures and commerce had held such a low place in the national esteem that they were relegated to the lowest classes. At the most there were guilds of craftsmen producing many dainty and beautiful articles, which were, however, utterly incapable of sustaining rejuvenated community. Urgent measures were required, and the Bureaucracy at once set about reorganizing the social fabric. The chief points in their programme were as follows: First, the despatch of agents abroad to study European methods of agriculture and manufacture and to draw up plans for their adaptation to Japan, as well as the engagement of foreign experts to see that such schemes were properly carried out. This included also the founding of experimental stations and laboratories. Second, the inauguration of a very complete system of education whereby the masses could avail themselves of the facts thus acquired, and rearrange their activities accordingly. also EDUCATION: Modern developments: 20th century: General education: Japan: Primary.] Third, the establishment, under government auspices, of model factories, foundaries, farms, etc., which were gradually given over to private enterprise, and which were of incalculable benefit to so uninitiative a race as the Japanese. Fourth, the institution of an efficient banking and currency system whereby the development of private concerns could be suitably fostered and controlled."-W. M. McGovern, Modern Japan, pp. 223-224.-"One of the most important of the five clauses of the oath was, that intellect and learning should be sought for throughout the world in order to establish the foundations of the empire. This was simply legalizing what had been begun under Tokugawa. In 1863, men of war had been ordered from Holland and Messrs. Enomoto, Akamatsu, Uchida, and others were sent thither as students of naval science. They returned in 1868 in the Kaiyo Maru, most of them becoming officers of the navy. Sakuma Chozan was the first Japanese who openly urged that foreigners be invited to come to Japan and teach the arts and sciences of the West, and men of Echizen early held similar ideas. The Yedo Government had already employed engineers and military instructors. A telegraph, lighthouses, ships of war, and various manifestations of the new spirit were already visible. It was in the view of the Imperial oath, also, that native students should be sent abroad. Some, indeed, had surreptitiously already, under assumed names, visited Europe and America. Among them were Ito, Inouye, Terashima, and others who have since become famous. In America, Rutgers College, at New Brunswick, N. J., was at first the point of concourse. . . . Under the Charter Oath, not fewer than five thousand salaried foreigners, men and women, including about twelve hundred American teachers, experts in their several callings, were brought to Japan before the beginning of the twentieth century... Since civil war almost immediately broke out after the coup d'état in Kioto, no steps were taken at

first, but in the spring of 1870 Echizen, who, being a relative of the shogun, yet loyal to the Emperor, having already sent students abroad, made application for a staff of five Yatoi ["hired aliens"] -a military instructor, a mining engineer, a medical doctor and surgeon, a teacher of the English language, and a college graduate, one proficient in natural science, who could also train up teachers and, as the words of the appointment ran, ‘organize schools on the American principle.' No Mom Bu Sho, or Department of Education, was as yet organized. . . . In many cases, the yatoi not only sowed the first seeds of knowledge, but they created new sciences, being original investigators, explorers, or observers. They inaugurated the railroads, telegraphs, lighthouses, the building of steamships and laboratories, organizations of bureaus, and in a thousand ways showed the Japanese how to utilize the forces of nature, develop the national resources, and improve the condition of man. They could not bestow on the Japanese their superb mental powers, the Creator's gifts were not theirs, but they did point the way. In thousands of souls they kindled sacred fire. They brought the seed and the natives have raised the flower. They scattered the grain, and the Japanese have reaped the harvest. "The foreign employé is the creator of New Japan,' is the verdict of Basil Hall Chamberlain. The yatoi found a nation ready to go to school, but who made the Japanese people ready? No story of salaried aliens triumphs would be complete without mention of the American missionaries who entered as early as 1859, and took hold of the boys. During . . . [the Civil War in the United States] and after it, these were compelled, by the financial weaknesses of their societies at home, to be in a measure, or for a time, yatoi. They seeded the Japanese mind, as a field, with the noblest ideas in ethics, political economy, historical development, and told the secrets of national prosperity and democracy. They taught in the first schools hundreds of lads who afterwards became leaders, and have been or are to-day in high station. In these youth, the sacred thirst for science, history, and language was raised. They drove in the plough beam deep, harrowing the fields and getting all ready for the day of national public schools and the secular teachers who came after 1870."-W. E. Griffis, Japanese nation in evolution, pp. 334-339-See also MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN: Japan.-The change at the restoration "was great and impressive, but it was thrown completely into the shade by one more profound and farreaching which soon followed it. The Restoration had not yet entailed the abolition of feudalism The feudal lords still continued to administer their fiefs, to exercise the same imperium in imperio as they had done under the Tokugawas for many preceding centuries and to retain their local autocracy unimpaired. No complete unification of the Empire under one supreme ruler could be hoped for while they did so. The lords of the four great fiefs that had been foremost in the Restoration again took the lead, and in a memorial signed by all four they voluntarily surrendered their fiefs to the Emperor and where they led all others had perforce to follow. The memorial appeared in the Official Gazette on the 5th of March, 1869. It was at once accepted, but the mediatisation of the fiefs was not yet complete. At first their former lords were appointed Governors of what they had hitherto owned, and while they acted in the name of the Emperor they continued to collect and administer their own revenues, paying, however, a contribution to the Imperial treasury, and to retain many of their old privileges. To deprive them

JAPAN, 1868-1894

Ten

of all at one stroke would have been too drastic a step for a Government which at the time had neither army nor money and had to rely entirely on the goodwill of these feudatories for the enforcement of its decrees on any among them who might prove recalcitrant, and it was not till two years later that the step was finally completed in its fullest measure. Then the last blow was given to the system of feudalism. On the 29th of August, 1871, all the daimio were ordered to quit their fiefs and take up their residences for the future as private gentlemen in Tokio, without either administrative or executive authority, without even titles to distinguish them from the common herd. per cent. of their former revenues were assigned to them for their support, but they were at the same time relieved from the maintenance of the armies of samurai who had hitherto depended on them. Their castles, munitions and ships were handed over to the Government. Their fiefs were converted into prefectures administered by officials, with no local prejudices, appointed by the central Government; all their revenues were paid into the Imperial Treasury, from which in turn all expenses both for their own and their samurai's pensions and for administration were defrayed. Uniform systems of law and currency were established, and at last a national Government, both in name and fact, was firmly consolidated in the hands of the Emperor and the ministers who acted for him. Then in reality began the modern Empire of Japan."-J. H. Longford, Evolution of new Japan, PP. 39-41.

ALSO IN: K. S. Latourette, Development of Japan, pp. 118-120.

After the promulgation of the edict which abolished the Daimio clans the Samurai still remained to be dealt with. "Feudalism could not be said to have been abolished so long as the samurai continued to be a class apart. These men numbered four hundred thousand and with their families represented a total of about two million souls. They were the empire's soldiers, and in return for devoting their lives to military service they held incomes, some for life, others hereditary, and these emoluments aggregated two millions sterling annually. No reformer, however radical, would have suggested the sudden disestablishment of the samurai system or advocated the wholesale deprivation of incomes won by their forefathers as a reward for loyal service to the State or to the fiefs. The Government dealt with this problem much as it had done with the problem of the feudatories. In 1873, an Imperial decree announced that the treasury was ready to commute the samurai's incomes on the basis of six-years' purchase in the place of hereditary pensions and four years for life-pensions, half of the money to be paid in cash and the remainder in bonds carrying eight per cent. interest. This measure was in no sense compulsory; the samurai were free to accept or reject it. Not a few chose the former course, but a large majority continued to wear their swords and draw their pensions as of old. . . . A more perplexing problem now (1873) presented itself, however. The Korean Court, . . . [sent] an offensive despatch announcing a determination to cease all relations with a renegade from the civilization of the Orient. It may well be imagined how indignantly this attitude of the neighbouring kingdom was resented by Japan. The prominent leaders of national reform at that time were Sanjo and Iwakura, originally Court nobles; Saigo and Okubo, samurai of Satsuma, and Kido, a samurai of Choshu. In the second rank were several men destined afterwards to attain great celebrity-the late