the Governor-General of Canada and in accordance with the practice observed in the making of such appointments. 4. The oath to be taken by Members of the Parliament of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form: I............do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of the Irish Free State as by law established and that I will be faithful to H. M. King George V., his heirs and successors by law, in virtue of the common citizenship of Ireland with Great Britain and her adherence to and membership of the group of nations forming the British Commonwealth of Nations. 5. Neither the Parliament of the Irish Free State nor the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall make any law so as either directly or indirectly to endow any religion or prohibit or restrict the free exercise thereof or give any preference or impose any disability on account of religious belief or religious status or affect prejudicially the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending the religious instruction at the school or make any discrimination as respects State aid between schools under the management of different religious denominations or divert from any religious denomination or any educational institution any of its property except for public utility purposes and on payment of compensation. Arrangements were made to exclude Ulster or Northern Ireland, if desired by the Province, and as to details regarding Ulster guarantees and a Boundary Commission, Harbour facilities, Defence, Debt and Finance, Open Ports and other relations and safeguards. British troops were to leave Ireland within one month of ratification of the Treaty and the King at once (Dec. 9) issued a proclamation of amnesty for all Irishmen suffering imprisonment. . . . In Dublin Mr. de Valera at once announced his refusal to present the Treaty to the Dail Eireann for ratification and declared the terms of the Agreement to be 'in violent conflict with the wishes of the majority of this nation, as expressed freely in successive elections during the past three years.' . . . 'The honour of the nation is not involved unless and until the Treaty is ratified.' . . . After an historic debate the Agreement passed the Commons by 401 to 58 and the Lords by 166 to 47 votes. In the Dail Eireann Mr. de Valera proposed a substitute for the oath of allegiance but was defeated by a large majority on Dec. 15th; this was followed by bitter debates with Griffith and Collins defending the Treaty and De Valera, Austin Slack, Cahal Brugha, Count Plunkett, Erskine Childers and John MacSwiney leading the opposition."-J. C. Hopkins, Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1921, pp. 302-305.

1921. Dispensary system for the care of the poor.-Hospitals. See CHARITIES: Ireland: 1765

1921.

1921 (May-June).-Functioning of Government of Ireland Act.-Elections.-The Government of Ireland Act took effect on May 3, 1921. "Ulster accepted the . . . [Home Rule Act] with reluctance, Southern Ireland would [have] ... nothing to do with it. In this event the Act provided that the Parliament of the South would not sit and its government would revert into the hands of the existing Executive with an Advisory Council. . . . Elections followed on May 13 when all but 4 members of the Southern Parliament were elected by acclamation as Sinn Feiners pledged not to take the oath or sit in the new House but, as Mr. de Valera put it in a Manifesto, to prove once more the Irish demand for a Republic.

IRELAND, 1922

Amongst those elected were De Valera, Mme. Markievicz, Mrs. O'Callaghan, widow of the murdered Mayor of Cork, . . . Mrs. Pearse, mother of Padraic Pearse, executed after the Dublin rebellion of 1916, and Mary McSwiney, sister of Terence McSwiney. Ulster elected on May 20th, 40 Unionists, 6 Nationalists and 6 Sinn Feiners-amongst the latter Michael Collins, E. de Valera and Arthur Griffith. These three men were, therefore, technically all members of the British, Southern and Northern Parliaments at the same time. The Southern Senate included 64 members with four elected by the Archbishop or Bishops of the Roman Catholic Church, two by the Archbishops or Bishops of the Church of Ireland, 16 by Peers, 8 by Privy Councillors, and 14 by County Councils. The Act also empowered the Lord-Lieutenant to nominate 17 Senators to represent commerce, labour, and the scientific and learned professions, with the Lord-Lieutenant to nominate 17 Senators to represent commerce, labour, and the scientific and learned professions, with the LordMayors of Dublin and Cork ex-officio members. The Church of Ireland (Anglican) at once selected their appointees as did the Peers and Privy Councillors. The Southern Parliament was formally opened at Dublin on June 28 with 15 Senators and the 4 Unionist members of the Commons present; the other elected members functioned elsewhere as the Dail Eireann."—J. C. Hopkins, Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1921, pp. 297, 298.-See also ULSTER: 1921.

1922. Social effect of political events.-Labor party.-Wane of power of church.-"Only the other day Ireland was the one country in Western Europe in which patria potestas was still rigorously enforced. . . . [But] under the existing franchise the votes of the farmer and his wife are wholly outnumbered by those of their sons and labourers. . . . The triumph of Youth is the most recent and significant but not the only sign of the revolution through which we have passed. . . . In no country perhaps, with the exception of Russia, has the old social order suffered such change. . . . From the extension of the Franchise in 1885 to the further extension in 1918, Ireland was a 'bourgeois Republic,' in this sense at least that political power centred in a middle class, composed roughly of the Roman Catholic clergy, the farmers, and well-to-do shopkeepers. Its Parliamentary representatives were professional men, strong farmers and the like, with a sprinkling of country gentlemen. . . . I suppose there was rarely a body of men of such genuinely conservative instinct as that old party in whose ranks I served some sixteen years. The winning of the 'land for the people'-understanding as the 'people' priImarily the existing tenant occupiers on fair terms of purchase, and the restoration to Ireland, considered as an integral part of the British Commonwealth system, of a Parliament and Executive which should deal with purely Irish affairs-such were our modest aims. In the first of them we succeeded so well, that had it not been for the suspension of Land Purchase consequent upon the war, nearly all the tenanted land of Ireland would by now [1922] have passed into the ownership of the occupiers. . . . (But a new power has risen in the land-the power of Labour.) . . . It is but a little while since Labour in Ireland was socially neglected and politically negligible.. It is but the other day that nine shilings a week was regarded in many parts of the country as the ordinary wage of a grown man. Indignation was expressed when the idea of paying laborers a

pound a week was broached. The Corn Production Act of 1917, however, provided that the wage of an adult agricultural laborer should be not less than twenty-five shillings a week. In the years following the Act local strikes were frequent and wages were frequently advanced. The Laborers' Union amalgamated with, and greatly enhanced the influence of members of the extremely powerful body, the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, which during the last few years has reached out from Dublin to the remotest country districts. . . . Labour candidates have been triumphantly returned-in several instances at the head of the poll-not only in urban centres as Dublin and Cork City, but also in such preponderantly rural constituencies as Wexford, Leix-Offaly, and Carlow-Kilkenny. Against insurgent Labour is now regularly arrayed

MICHAEL COLLINS

Nations.' . . . Adult suffrage was adopted as a matter of course. In Ireland henceforward for all purposes whatever 'men and women,' it is declared, 'have equal rights as citizens.' No title of honour may be conferred save with the approval of the Irish Ministers. . . . There is not much light-heartedness or gaiety in the make-up of the modern young Irishman. And as for the young woman! . . . We are grown strangely hard of late years. We make a cult of suffering, as though suffering were good in itself; we despise gentle manners as though these were the badge of servility not its opposite; we are desperately afraid of not being thought sufficiently solemn. Being what I am, I lean to the philosophy of M. Jérome Coignard, that delicious rogue qui méprisait les hommes avec tendresse. But Hudibras is more to the taste of the day; and the young Catholic Irishmanlittle as he suspects it sometimes-has the oddest resemblance to a seventeenth-century Puritan."H. A. Law, Tir na n'Og (Contemporary Review, July, 1922).

ALSO IN: Marquess of Crewe, Situation in Ireland (Contemporary Review, Aug., 1922).

1922 (January-July).-Ratification of treaty by Dail Eireann.-Resignation of De Valera.Provisional government.-The "pact."-Draft constitution.-Elections.-During the Christmas recess of the Dail, the country gave unmistakable evidence of the truth of Arthur Griffith's statement that ninety-five per cent of the people were in favor of the treaty and peace. Re-assembly of the Dail was marked by acrimonious debates; but on January 7 ratification was carried by a majority of seven. Two days later, De Valera resigned the presidency, and on a vote for reëlection was defeated, and Arthur Griffith was unanimously chosen president by the sixty-five members who were left. The new president immediately summoned the southern parliament, which convened in the Mansion House, ratified the peace treaty, and created the provisional government. That done, this shadowy body, which was in large part composed of Dail members, dissolved itself. The provisional government of which Michael Collins was premier took over the Castle on January 16, and. transference of the other government offices was made as rapidly as possible. Evacuation of the British troops was immediately begun and these events seemed to be the visible sign that peace had at last come to the weary country which had scarcely known it unless when she was laid low by exhaustion or despair. It was a vain thought. Almost immediately, De Valera again declared for a republic, and was joined by Cathal Burgess, former commander-in-chief, by Charles Gavan Duffy, one of the treaty makers, Rory O'Connor, Erskine Childers and others. In an effort to prevent further discord, the Ard Feis (Sinn Fein National convention), which met in Dublin in February, 1921, voted to adjourn for three months, during which time the Dail was to function instead of the provisional government. No election was to be held during the three months, and when it was held, the people were to be presented simultaneously with the articles of the agreement and the draft constitution of the free state. Treaty Bill had already been ratified by the British Commons; but, on the explanation given by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins, who were summoned to London, the bill was amended to meet its terms. It was passed quickly through the House of Lords and received assent on March 31, and the Irish Free State became a legal political entity. On March 30, after a conference in Lon

newly formed Associations of Farmers and Rentpayers.... Ireland is still rooted staunchly in the Catholic Faith, . . . but, whether for good or evil the power of the clergy has been very greatly lessened. But a little while ago let any considerable national issue arise and a pronouncement by the Irish Catholic Hierarchy was expected as a matter of course. And when the Treaty was signed and Ireland had to make her choice between peace and war, such a pronouncement seemed inevitable. Most of the bishops were known to be . . . keenly desirous of peace, but no pronouncement followed. . . . In administration, municipal and national, our new rulers are showing themselves notably efficient. . . . Here is a group of young men, almost without political experience, who pitted their wits against the ablest men of the British Cabinet; and . . . won for their country the status defined by the first Article of the draft Constitution-The Irish Free State is a co-equal member of the community of nations forming the British Commonwealth of

The

By

don, between the leaders of the two governments, a treaty of peace between northern and southern Ireland was signed. The treaty provided for a further meeting to ascertain "whether means can be devised to secure the unity of Ireland," and failing this "whether an agreement can be arrived at on the boundary question otherwise than by recourse to the Boundary Commission." this time Eamonn De Valera had gathered his forces around him, and was actively engaged in opposition to the constituted government, and on March 15 had organized a new republican society "to repudiate the proposed agreement with Great Britain as humiliating to the nation, and destructive of its rightful status and claims." At the same time, he endeavored to prevent the government from submitting the treaty to the people; and was active in creating a spirit of animosity in the Dail. "When May opened Ireland was a country groping through darkness towards a catastrophe. To all appearances the supporters of the Treaty had gained nothing by consenting to delay the elections. The Republicans still declined to be bound by the popular decision or even to allow it to be taken. The Free Staters had offered what seemed to be the maximum of compromise and barely stopped short of surrendering the Treaty itself. Unofficial mediation of various kinds between the two parties failed as completely. Mr. Griffith. . . announced in the firmest of language the Government's intention of holding the elections and fixed the date-June 16. ... The country was manifestly disorganised and the gunmen enjoyed all the advantage of the confusion they had created. . . . [In the emergency, an unofficial committee of army officers, including Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy, met and agreed:] 1. That a National Coalition Panel for this third Dail, representing both parties in the Dail and in the Sinn Fein Organisation, be sent forward on the ground that the National position requires the entrusting of the Government of the country into the joint hands of those who have been the strength of the National situation during the last few years, without prejudice to their present respective positions. 2. That this Coalition Panel be sent forward as from the Sinn Fein Organisation, the number of each party being their present strength in the Dail. 3. That the candidates be nominated through each of the existing Party Executives. 4. That every and any interest is free to go up and contest the election equally with the National-Sinn FeinPanel. 5. That constituencies where an election is not held shall continue to be represented by their present deputies. 6. That after the election the Executive shall consist of the President (elected as formerly), the Minister of Defence (representing the army), and nine other Ministers-five from the majority party and four from the minorityeach party to choose its own nominees. The allocation will be in the hands of the President. 7. That in the event of the Coalition Government finding it necessary to dissolve, a General Election will be held as soon as possible on Adult Suffrage." -Ireland (Round Table, Sept., 1922, pp. 783-785). -This "pact" was adopted by the Dail, and on May 23 was ratified by the Ard Feis. It had an important effect on the policy of the northern parliament, in which Sir James Craig declared it changed the whole situation, so much so, that they would not now have a boundary commission under any circumstances. At the end of May the treaty signatories met in London, to consider the draft constitution which was submitted by the

IRELAND, 1922

Irish Free State. An agreement was reached the week in which the election was to be held, and the document was published on the morning of June 16. The elections (of June 16) passed off without serious incident, and resulted in the return of ninety-two members in favor of the treaty as against thirty-six against it. Of the majority fifty-eight were listed as Sinn Fein pro-treaty; seventeen, labor; seven were farmers, and ten independent.

1922 (August).-Death of Griffith and Collins. -"On August 12 Arthur Griffith, President of the Dail Eireann and chief Irish negotiator of the Free State Agreement, died of a sudden heartattack caused by over-work, at the age of 50. He was Ireland's greatest statesman. On the 22nd Michael Collins, head of the Provisional

Government of the Irish Free State, and commander of the Free State forces, was killed, at the age of 31. He was returning to Cork (accompanied by about 20 officers and men) from an inspection of the positions of the National Army south of that city, when the party was attacked from ambush by some 200 irregulars. The Collins party was composed of picked men, and after a fight of an hour the attackers fled, leaving many dead and wounded. It was near the very end of the fighting that Collins was mortally wounded. He died within a few minutes. He was Ireland's best fighting man and most powerful and attractive personality."-Independent, Sept. 2, 1922, p. 102.

1922 (September-December).

Constitution drafted.-Proclamation of Irish Free State.Inauguration of government.-The new parliament opened on September 9 in the old parliament house building. On the 18th, a bill to