legislation tending to punish the people of the South. "What more," he asked, ," he asked, "do you want than the punishment which the war has inflicted? The commerce of the southern people has been destroyed; their towns and cities have been burned; their fields desolated and stained with blood; wives have been widowed and children made orphans; and amid the desolation they are threatened with famine and crying for bread."

Mr. Miller of Pennsylvania was in no haste to admit rebel States. Mr. Plants of Ohio would strike black and white alike from all laws, making legislation like the dew, rain, and sunshine descend upon all; he predicted that at the end of a quarter of a century the white race would be sixty millions and black race not exceed six millions.

The debate was resumed on the 21st, and Mr. Kerr of Indiana spoke in opposition to the bill because it reduced the States to Territories, and tended to political chaos or despotism. Mr. Higby of California followed, and Mr. Trimble of Kentucky opposed the bill and all kindred legislation.

Mr. Dodge of New York was opposed to the bills of Mr. Stevens and Mr. Ashley, and in favor of recommitting them to the Reconstruction Committee, with the hope that the committee might present some plan by which the loyal men of the south, white and black, might be protected in all their rights of person and property, and which might put an effectual stop to the injustice, persecution, and

murder which were going on without restraint from the general or local governments. Mr. Hise of Kentucky followed in opposition to all legislation and for the immediate and unconditional admission of the Representatives of the rebel States.

On the 24th Mr. Raymond of New York made an elaborate speech on Reconstruction. Mr. Shellabarger of Ohio maintained the right of the Government to withhold from persons who discarded all the obligations pertaining to their citizenship, the powers and rights which came alone from performing those obligations. In illustration and proof of that position, he said: "There is a child before you. He moves about in the simplicity of his young nature, unconscious of the dignity which is upon him. He goes under your flag to another country. There another Government injures his life, his property, or even a hair of his head. For that injury, sir, what ought to happen? Nay, sir, by the very law of your nation's life and honor, what must happen? Now, nothing has occurred except that a foreign Government has put its hand in insult or injury upon a little boy, and he upon the other side of the globe, where midnight is when we have high noon. But then the boy was our country's and was under its flag. When the tidings come to us that that child was hurt, if needs be for his redress every sword in the land and every gun, every arm in the land and every heart, every drop of blood in the land and every dollar of money

pass eagerly under requisition to the work of that child's redress; and for that redress your armies and navies start off in a procession which girdles the globe with the light of your banners.

And, sir, why all this? It is because that child bore with him what, thank God and the armies of America, is to-day the highest of earthly dignities; higher than that which made the person of him of Tarsus sacred in the presence of a Hebrew mob. The boy was an American citizen."

On the 26th Mr. Ross of Illinois spoke in opposition to the pending legislation, and was followed by Mr. Ashley of Ohio in support of his bill. He was anxious that the people who went into the rebellion should be restored to their practical relations upon the mildest, most forgiving, and most merciful terms which a conquering people could impose, looking to the safety and stability of the national government and the rights of loyal citi

zens.

On the 28th Mr. Julian of Indiana resumed the debate. "I shall never vote," he said, "to restore one of these rebel districts to power as a State, except upon the condition that impartial suffrage, without respect to race, color, or former condition of slavery, shall be the supreme law within her borders." Mr. Scofield briefly replied to Mr. Ross. "We all propose," he said, "to reunite the whole territory. You propose to unite the United States to the Confederacy, and thus bring us together. We propose

to annex the Confederacy to the United States." Mr. Cullom of Illinois said: "the people of the South are like other people in some characteristics at least; and when this Government adopts some definite policy and goes forward in its execution, the rebels and all the people of the rebellious States will acquiesce."

Mr. Shellabarger offered an amendment as a substitute for the sixth section of Mr. Stevens' bill, which substitute was accepted by that gentleman. The previous question was then ordered and Mr. Bingham's motion to refer the bill and amendments to the Reconstruction Committee, was agreed to.— Yeas 88, nays 65. So the whole matter was referred to the Committee by the House of Representatives.

CHAPTER XVI.

CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN LOUISIANA.

Mr. Eliot's report from the Committee on the New Orleans riot.-Mr. Boyer's minority report.-Mr. Eliot's Bill for the reestablishment of Civil Government.-Provisions of the Bill.-Bill passed.-Motion of Mr. Wade. Mr. Sumner's amendment.-Remarks of Mr. McDougall.-Remarks of Mr. Wilson.-The Bill not further considered.

In the House of Representatives on the 11th of February, 1867, Mr. Eliot, from the Select Committee on the New Orleans Riots, made a report of the evidence taken, and the report of a majority of the committee on the evidence. Mr. Boyer of Pennsylvania made a minority report, and on motion by Mr. Eliot twenty thousand extra copies of the reports and ten thousand copies of the evidence were ordered to be printed. From the same committee Mr. Eliot reported a bill for the re-establishment of civil Government in the State of Louisiana, which was read twice and ordered to be printed. The bill provided for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of a Governor for the State to hold office for one year unless sooner removed, and of a provisional council