armies for a cause which could only concern the small German electorate. In 1743 the king took the field in person, and on the 16th of June, 1743, was present at the battle of Dettingen, fought against the French, who were defeated. In October of this year the king of England returned to Hanover, and the army separated.

The disputes in parliament, and the loud clamours of the people of England against the taxation for the war, induced the French ministry to believe that the nation was ripe for a revolt, and that it would gladly welcome back its Stuart king. They foresaw that, even if this idea should prove erroneous, a descent on Great Britain would make a considerable diversion on the continent in favour of France, and embarrass king George, who was the chief support of the house of Austria and its allies. Actuated by these motives, they prepared a body of fifteen thousand men to invade England; and in the month of January, 1744, Monsieur de Roqueville sailed from Brest with a strong squadron, and directed his course up the English channel with twenty ships of war. The French fleet was immediately discovered by an English cruiser, which ran into Plymouth to give notice of its approach; and preparations were instantly made everywhere to oppose the invaders. Meanwhile at Boulogne and Dunkirk troops were embarking under the eye of the young pretender, and seven thousand were actually on board. M. de Roqueville sailed up the channel as far as Dungeness, on the coast of Kent, and found himself confronted there by the British fleet, commanded by sir John Morris; but, the tide failing, that English admiral was compelled to anchor while still two leagues from the enemy.

M. de Roqueville called a council of war, and determined to avoid the engagement, as the English force was superior to his own. At sunset, therefore, the French weighed anchor and sailed away, favoured by a very hard gale of wind from the north-east, which carried them down the channel with wonderful celerity. This storm, which saved their fleet probably from defeat and destruction, also preserved England from invasion; for a great number of their transports were driven ashore and destroyed by it, and the rest were so damaged they could not speedily be repaired. England ruled the narrow seas, and invasion was impossible. The French generals returned to Paris, and the expedition was relinquished. The French pushed on the war vigorously, however, on the continent. They besieged Friburgh, and invested Tournay. The allies, commanded by the duke of Cumberland, king George's second son, determined to hazard a battle in order to relieve the latter city. They marched against the French, and took a position in sight of them. The enemy was well posted on an eminence which had the village of St. Antoine on the right, a wood on the left, and the town of Fontenoy before them.

At two o'clock in the morning the English began the attack, and pressing forward bore down all opposition for an hour: but count Saxe, the French commander, who was confined to his tent very ill, caused himself to be carried in a litter through the posts, and so inspirited and encouraged his soldiers that they rallied, and restored the fortune of the day. The allies were defeated, and left 12,000 men on the field; the French purchasing their victory at as great a loss.

In 1745 a nearer trouble even than the bad success on the continent disturbed and alarmed the country. Prince Charles Edward Stuart landed in Scotland; was joined by the highland clans; defeated the king's general, sir John Cope, and actually penetrated into England as far as Manchester. Here he was joined by 200 English Jacobites under general Townly. From thence he marched to Derby, being there within a hundred miles of the capital. Had he pressed onwards, success might have crowned his undertaking, but the discontents in his army fought for king George better than his generals had done. The Highland chiefs were unanimous

only in one thing, that was in demanding a return to their own country, and the prince with bitter regret had to yield to their wishes. Meantime the duke of Cumberland had been recalled from Flanders, and was sent against the Scots with an army of 14,000 men. They might have disputed his advance at the river Spey, but they did not; they were torn asunder by continual disputes and jealousies, and consequently did nothing.

They resolved, however, at last to wait for the English at Culloden. Here, after a sharp contest, the prince was entirely and irretrievably defeated. The French troops with him did not fire a shot during the battle, but stood inactive and surrendered themselves prisoners of war when the fight was ended. The prince fled. Those who fell only wounded were put to death on the field, no quarter being given, by the duke's orders, and the wounded, the unarmed and defenceless-many were only spectators of the fight-thus perished. The conquerors practised the most terrible cruelties afterwards, and the duke gained from that day the title of "the butcher of Culloden."

Prince Charles, after incredible hardships and difficulties, escaped to France. A price of £30,000 had been put upon his head, but the poor highlanders were incapable of being tempted to betray him.

The scaffold and the gibbet awaited his adherents in England and Scotland. Seventeen officers of his army were hung, drawn, and quartered on Kennington common, near London, nine at Carlisle, eleven at York. A few obtained pardon; the common soldiers were transported as slaves to the North American plantations. The earl of Kilmarnock and lord Balmerino were beheaded on Tower hill. Cromartie was pardoned.

Lord

All sides engaged in the continental war now finding themselves growing feeble without gaining any advantage, a congress was held at Aix la Chapelle, which terminated in a peace disgraceful to England. It was stipulated that the king of Great Britain should, after the ratification of the treaty, send two persons of rank to France as hostages, to be detained till the restitution was made of Cape Breton, and all the conquests which England had made during the war. No mention was made of the searching English vessels which had brought on the war; the limits of the English possessions in North America were not defined, nor did the nation receive any equivalent for the forts they were made to restore. Peace was thus shamefully secured in Europe; but in the East and West Indies war still went on between the hereditary foes.

In 1750 the war was revived in North America. The French in the island of Nova Scotia were jealous of their neighbours, the English colonists, and fomented suspicions and jealousies against them amongst the native Red Indians. Soon after another cause of dissension arose. The French pretending to have been the first discoverers of the mouth of the Mississippi, claimed the whole adjacent country; drove out the English who had settled beyond the Appalachian mountains, an erected forts to command the country.

The ministry sent out four expeditions in aid of the colonists. Of these, o under general Monckton was successful, general Johnson also was victorious; b Shirley lost the season by delay, and general Braddock was utterly defeated and slain at Fort du Quesne.

In Europe the French took possession of Minorca after a siege which admiral Byng failed to raise; for which failure he suffered death at Portsmouth, being demned, and shot for cowardice.

In the east, however, the great Englishman Clive displayed the courage and conduct, and founded for England her eastern empir the French of most of their possessions there.

Mr. Pitt, the favourite of the people, at length came into power, and under him the reverses to the English arms ceased. Cape Breton was retaken; and the expedition against Fort du Quesne was carried out successfully; in fact, everywhere our arms prospered, and their crowning glory in America was the capture of Quebec by general Wolfe. It was followed soon afterwards by the cession to

England of all Canada.

The continental war still went on, but now the king of England was the ally of Frederick of Prussia, instead of the empress Maria Theresa, and liberal subsidies to him and supplies for the English king's forces were granted by parliament. Mr. Pitt had always opposed these continental wars; but now probably the hope of putting an end to them altogether, and the influence of the connections with whom he was obliged to co-operate induced him to sanction the present one and carry it on with vigour.

Her

Never had Britain held so high a place in the world's story as in 1759. navy seemed invincible; neither superior force nor tempests could restrain the martial ardour of her seamen. Her empire in India was founded; the greater part of North America was taken by her; her troops were feared on the continent of Europe-her ships ruled the seas.

It was at this moment of general success and prosperity that George II. died suddenly without a moment's previous illness or pain. He was seventy-seven years of age, and had reigned thirty-three years.

His son Frederick, Prince of Wales, with whom he had lived on very unfriendly and unfatherly terms, died before him; and he was consequently succeeded by his grandson George, then Prince of Wales.

THE FALL OF WALPOLE.

MACAULAY.

Cautious everywhere else, when power was at stake he had all the boldness of Wolsey or Chatham. He might easily have secured his authority if he could have been induced to divide it with others. But he would not part with one fragment of it to purchase defenders for all the rest. The effect of this policy was that he had able enemies and feeble allies. His most distinguished coadjutors left him one by one, and joined the ranks of the Opposition. He faced the increasing array of his enemies with unbroken spirit, and thought it far better that they should inveigh against his power than that they should share it.

The Opposition was in every sense formidable. At its head were two royal personages, the exiled head of the house of Stuart, the disgraced heir of the house of Brunswick. One set of members received directions from Avignon. Another set held their consultations and banquets at Norfolk house. The majority of the landed gentry, the majority of the parochial clergy,-one of the universities,—and a strong party in the city of London and in the other great towns were decidedly adverse to the government. Of the men of letters, some were exasperated by the neglect with which the minister treated them,-a neglect which was the more remarkable, because his predecessors, both whig and tory, had paid court with emulous munificence to the wits and the poets; others were honestly inflamed by party zeal; almost all lent their aid to the Opposition. In truth, all that was alluring to ardent and imaginative minds was on that side;-old associations-new visions of political improvement-high-flown theories of loyalty-high-flown theories of liberty

-the enthusiasm of the cavalier-the enthusiasm of the roundhead. The tory gentleman, fed in the common-rooms of Oxford with the doctrines of Filmer and Sacheverell, and proud of the exploits of his great-grandfather, who had charged with Rupert at Marston-who had held out the old manor-house against Fairfax, and who, after the king's return, had been set down for a knight of the royal oak-flew to that section of the Opposition which, under pretence of assailing the existing administration, was in truth assailing the reigning dynasty. The young republican, fresh from his Livy and his Lucan, and flowing with admiration of Hampden, of Russell, and of Sydney, hastened with equal eagerness to those benches from which eloquent voices thundered nightly against the tyranny and perfidy of courts. So many young politicians were caught by these declamations that sir Robert, in one of his best speeches, observed that the Opposition consisted of three bodies-the tories, the discontented whigs, who were known by the name of the patriots, and the boys. In fact almost every young man of warm temper and lively imagination, whatever his political bias might be, was drawn into the party adverse to the government; and some of the most distinguished among them-Pitt, for example, among public men, and Johnson among men of letters-afterwards openly acknowledged their mistake.

The aspect of the Opposition, even while it was still a minority in the house of commons, was very imposing. Among those who, in parliament or out of parliament, assailed the administration of Walpole, were Bolingbroke, Carteret, Chesterfield, Argyle, Pulteney, Wyndham, Doddington, Pitt, Lyttleton, Barnard, Pope, Swift, Gay, Arbuthnot, Fielding, Johnson, Thomson, Akenside, Glover.

The circumstance that the Opposition was divided into two parties diametrically opposed to each other in political opinions, was long the safety of Walpole. at last his ruin. The leaders of the minority knew that it would be difficult for them to bring forward any important measure without producing an immediate schism in their party. It was with very great difficulty that the whigs in opposition had been induced to give a sullen and silent vote for the repeal of the septennial act. The tories, on the other hand, could not be induced to support Pulteney's motion for an addition to the income of prince Frederic. The two parties had cordially joined in calling out for a war with Spain; but they now had their war. Hatred of Walpole was almost the only feeling which was common to them. On this one point, therefore, they concentrated their whole strength. With gross ignorance, or gross dishonesty, they represented the minister as the main grievance of the state. His dismissal,-his punishment,-would prove the certain cure for all the evils which the nation suffered. What was to be done after his fall,-how misgover ment was to be prevented in future,—were questions to which there were as me answers as there were noisy and ill-informed members of the Opposition. The o cry in which all could join was, "Down with Walpole!" So much did they narro the disputed ground,-so purely personal did they make the question,-that they threw out friendly hints to the other members of the administration, and declared that they refused quarter to the prime minister alone. His tools might keep thei heads, their fortunes, even their places, if only the great father of corruption were given up to the just vengeance of the nation.

If the fate of Walpole's colleagues had been inseparably probably would, even after the unfavourable elections of weather the storm. But as soon as it was understood th against him alone, and that if he were sacrificed, his advantages and honourable terms, the ministerial ranks 1 murmur of saure qui peut was heard. That Walpole had fou

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Newcastle something more than suspected. It would have been strange, indeed, if his grace had been idle when treason was hatching.

"Che Gan fu traditor prima che nato." "His name," said sir Robert, "is perfidy."

Never was a battle more manfully fought out than the last struggle of the old statesman. His clear judgment, his long experience, and his fearless spirit, enabled him to maintain a defensive war through half the session. To the last his heart never failed him; and when at last he yielded, he yielded not to the threats of his enemies, but to the entreaties of his dispirited and refractory followers. When he could no longer retain his power, he compounded for honour and security, and retired to his garden and his paintings, leaving to those who had overthrown him— shame, discord, and ruin.

Everything was in confusion. It had been said that the confusion was produced by the dexterous policy of Walpole; and, undoubtedly, he did his best to sow dissension amongst his triumphant enemies. But there was little for him to do. Victory had completely dissolved the hollow truce, which the two sections of the Opposition had but imperfectly observed, even while the event of the contest was still doubtful. A thousand questions were opened in a moment. A thousand conflicting claims were preferred. It was impossible to follow any line of policy which would not have been offensive to a large portion of the successful party. It was impossible to find places for a tenth part of those who thought that they had a right to be considered. While the parliamentary leaders were preaching patience and confidence,—while their followers were clamouring for reward, a still louder voice was heard from without,—the terrible cry of a people angry, they hardly knew with whom,-and impatient, they hardly knew for what. The day of retribution had arrived. The Opposition reaped that which they had sown. Inflamed with hatred and cupidity, despairing of success by any ordinary mode of political warfare, and blind to consequences which, though remote, were certain, they had conjured up a devil whom they could not lay. They had made the public mind drunk with calumny and declamation. They had raised expectations which it was impossible to satisfy. The downfall of Walpole was to be the beginning of a political millennium ; and every enthusiast had figured to himself that millennium according to the fashion of his own wishes. The republican expected that the power of the crown would be reduced to a mere shadow,-the high tory that the Stuarts would be restored,the moderate tory that the golden days which the church and the landed interest had enjoyed during the last years of queen Anne, would immediately return. It would have been impossible to satisfy everybody. The conquerors satisfied nobody.

We have no reverence for the memory of those who were then called the patriots. We are for the principles of good government against Walpole, and for Walpole against the Opposition. It was most desirable that a purer system should be introduced; but, if the old system was to be retained, no man was so fit as Walpole to be at the head of affairs. There were frightful abuses in the government-abuses more than sufficient to justify a strong opposition. But the party opposed to Walpole, while they stimulated the popular fury to the highest point, were at no pains to direct it aright. Indeed they studiously misdirected it. They misrepresented the evil. They prescribed inefficient and pernicious remedies. They held up a single man as the sole cause of all the vices of a bad system which had been in full operation before his entrance into public life, and which continued to be in full operation when some of these very brawlers had succeeded to his power. They thwarted his best measures. They drove him into an unjustifiable war against his will. Constantly talking in magnificent language about tyranny, corruption, wicked