and John Hampden, grandson of the great parliamentary leader. These men entered into an agreement with Argyle, and other Scottish malcontents, who engaged, upon the payment of £10,000 for the purchase of arms in Holland, to bring the covenanters into the field. The conspirators differed greatly, however, among themselves in opinion. Sidney and Essex desired a commonwealth; Monmouth aimed at the crown for himself; Russell and Hampden were attached to the constitution, and only wished to exclude the duke, and bring in Mary of Orange; lord Howard was a man of no principle, seeking only his own interest. But another set of subordinate conspirators carried on projects utterly unknown to their leaders, Monmouth and his council. These men resolved to assassinate the To king and duke of York. The king's coach was to be stopped on his way from Newmarket by overturning a cart in the road; Charles was then to be shot from behind the hedges. The house the king had at Newmarket took fire accidentally, however, and he was obliged to leave it eight days sooner than was expected. this circumstance he owed his escape from assassination. The conspirators were to assemble at a house belonging to Rumbald (one of the party), called the Rye House, from which the plot took its name. Their scheme was betrayed by one of the conspirators, named Keiling, and many of them were ultimately arrested. Monmouth fled, but Russell was sent to the Tower; Grey escaped; lord Howard was taken, and, soon after, Essex; Sidney and Hampden were arrested, and had the mortification of finding that lord Howard (a man of very bad character) had bought an infamous safety by witnessing against them. Lord William Russell and Algernon Sidney were beheaded; lord Essex was found dead (murdered, it was thought) in the Tower; Hampden escaped with a fine. This was the last plot, real or imaginary, against Charles. He did not long survive it, dying from a fit of apoplexy, after a reign of twenty-four years, on the 6th of February, 1685. ENTRANCE OF CHARLES II. INTO LONDON. JOHN EVELYN. 29 May. This day his Majesty Charles II. came to London after a sad and long exile and calamitous suffering both of the king and church, being seventeen years. This was also his birthday, and with a triumph of about 20,000 horse and foot, brandishing their swords and shouting with inexpressible joy; the ways strewed with flowers, the bells ringing, the streets hung with tapestry, fountains running with wine; the mayor, aldermen, and all the companies in their liveries, chains of gold, and banners; lords and nobles clad in cloth of silver, gold, and velvet; the windows and balconies well set with ladies; trumpets, music, and myriads of people flocking, even so far as from Rochester, so as they were seven hours in passing the city, even from 2 in the afternoon till 9 at night. I stood in the Strand and beheld it, and blessed God. And all this was done without one drop of blood shed, and by that very army which rebelled against him; but it was the Lord's doing, for such a restoration was never mentioned in any history ancient or modern, since the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity; nor so joyful a day and so bright ever seen in this nation, this happening when to expect or effect it was past all human policy. 4 June. I received letters of sir Richard Browne's landing at Dover, and also letters from the queen, which I was to deliver at Whitehall, not as yet presenting myself to his majesty by reason of the infinite concourse of people. The eagerness of men, women, and children to see his majesty and kiss his hands was so great that he had scarce leisure to eat for some days, coming as they did from all parts of the nation; and the king being as willing to give them that satisfaction, would have none kept out, but gave access to all sorts of people. Addressing myself to the duke, I was carried to his majesty when very few noblemen were with him, and kissed his hands, being very graciously received. I then returned home to meet sir Richard Browne, who came not till the 8th, after a nineteen years' exile, during all which time he kept up in his chapel the liturgy and offices of the church of England, to his no small honour, and in a time when it was so low, and as many thought utterly lost, that in various controversies both with papists and sectaries our divines used to argue for the visibility of the church, from his chapel and congregation. I was all this week to and fro at court about business. 16. The French, Italian, and Dutch ministers came to make their address to his majesty, one Monsieur Stoope pronouncing the harangue with great eloquence. 18. I proposed the embassy of Constantinople for Mr. Henshaw, but my lord Winchelsea struck in. Goods that had been pillaged from White-hall during the rebellion were now daily brought in and restored upon proclamation; as plate, hangings, pictures, &c. 21. The Warwickshire gentlemen (as did all the shires and chief towns in all the three nations) presented their congratulatory address. It was carried by my lord Northampton. 30. The Sussex gentlemen presented their address, to which was my hand. I went with it and kissed his majesty's hand, who was pleased to own me more particularly by calling me his old acquaintance and speaking very graciously to me. 3 July. I went to Hyde Park, where was his majesty and abundance of gallantry. 4. I heard sir Sam. Tuke harangue to the house of lords in behalf of the Roman catholics, and his account of the transaction at Colchester in murdering lord Capel, and the rest of those brave men that suffered in cold blood, after articles of rendition. 5. I saw his majesty go with as much pomp and splendour as any earthly prince could do to the great city feast, the first they had invited him to since his return, but the exceeding rain which fell all that day much eclipsed its lustre. This was at Guildhall, and there was also all the parliament men, both lords and commons. The streets were adorned with pageants at immense cost. 6. His majesty began first to touch for the evil, according to custom, thus: his majesty sitting under his state in the banqueting-house, the chirurgeons cause the sick to be brought or led up to the throne, where they kneeling, the king strokes their faces or cheeks with both his hands at once, at which instant a chaplain in his formalities says, "He put his hands upon them and he healed them." This is said to every one in particular. When they have been all touched they come up again in the same order, and the other chaplain kneeling, and having angel gold* strung on white ribbon on his arm, delivers them one by one to his majesty, who puts them about the necks of the touched as they pass, while the first chaplain repeats, "That is the true light who came into the world." Then follows an epistle (as at first a gospel) with the liturgy, prayers for the sick, with some alteration, lastly the blessing; and the lord chamberlaine and comptroller of the household bring a basin, ewer and towel, for his majesty to wash. The king received a congratulatory address from the city of Cologne in Germany, * Pieces of money so called from having the figure of an angel on them. where he had been some time in his exile; his majesty saying they were the best people in the world, the most kind and worthy to him that he ever met with. I recommended Mons. Messeroy to be judge advocate in Jersey, by the vicechamberlain's mediation with the earl of St. Albans ; and saluted my excellent and worthy noble friend my lord Ossory, son to the marquis of Ormond, after many years' absence returned home. 8. Mr. Henchman preached on 5 Ephes. 5, concerning christian circumspection. From henceforth was the liturgy publicly used in our churches, whence it had been for so many years banished. 15. navy. Came sir Geo. Carterett and lady to visit us: he was now treasurer of the 28. I heard his majesty's speech in the lords' house, on passing the bills of tonnage and poundage; restoration of my lord Ormond to his estate in Ireland ; concerning the commission of sewers, and continuance of the excise. In the afternoon I saluted my old friend the archbishop of Armagh, formerly of Londonderry (Dr. Bramhall). He presented several Irish divines to be promoted as bishops in that kingdom, most of the bishops in the three kingdoms being almost worn out, and the sees vacant. 31. I went to visit sir Philip Warwick, now secretary to the lord treasurer, at his house in North Cray. 19 Aug. Our vicar read the 39 articles to the congregation, the national assemblies beginning to settle, and wanting instruction. 17 Sept. I went to London to see the splendid entry of the prince de Ligne, ambassador extraordinary from Spain; he was general of the Spanish king's horse in Flanders, and was accompanied with divers great persons from thence, and an innumerable retinue. His train consisted of seventeen coaches with six horses of his own, besides a great number of English, &c. Greater bravery had I never seen. He was received in the banqueting-house in exceeding state, all the great officers of court attending. 13. In the midst of all this joy and jubilee the duke of Gloucester died of the small-pox in the prime of his youth, and a prince of extraordinary hopes. 27. The king received the merchants' addresses in his closet, giving them assurance of his persisting to keep Jamaica, choosing sir Edward Massy governor. In the afternoon the Danish ambassadors' condolences were presented, on the death of the duke of Gloucester. This evening I saw the princess royal, mother to the prince of Orange, now come out of Holland in a fatal period. 6 Oct. I paid the great tax of poll money levied for disbanding the army, till now kept up. I paid as an esquire £10, and one shilling for every servant in my house. 7 Oct. There dined with me a French count, with sir George Tuke, who came to take leave of me, being sent over to the queen mother to break the marriage of the duke with the daughter of Chancellor Hyde. The queen would fain have undone it, but it seems matters were reconciled on great offers of the chancellor's to befriend the queen, who was much in debt, and was now to have the settlement of her affairs go through his hands. 11 Oct. The regicides who sat on the life of our late king, were brought to trial in the Old Bailey, before a commission of oyer and terminer. 14. Axtall, Carew, Clements, Hacker, Hewson, and Peters, were executed. 17. Scot, Scroope, Cook, and Jones, suffered for reward of their iniquities at Charing Cross, in sight of the place where they put to death their natural prince, and in the presence of the king his son whom they also sought to kill. I saw not their execution, but met their quarters mangled and cut and reeking as they were brought from the gallows in baskets on the hurdle. Oh the miraculous providence of God! His majesty went to meet the queen mother. 28. 29. Going to London my lord mayor's show stopped me in Cheapside; one of the pageants represented a great wood, with the royal oak and history of his majesty's miraculous escape at Boscobel. SONNET. Who comes with rapture greeted and caressed Of bigot rage, that all distinction levels Of truth and falsehood, swallowing the good name, WORDSWORTII. ON THE RESTORATION. HALLAM. It has been a frequent reproach to the conductors of this great revolution, that the king was restored without those terms and limitations which might secure the nation against his abuse of their confidence; and this, not only by contemporaries who had suffered by the political and religious changes consequent on the restoration, or those who, in after times, have written with some prepossession against the English church and constitutional monarchy, but by the most temperate and reasonable men; so that it has become almost regular to cast on the convention parliament, and more especially on Monk, the imputation of having abandoned public liberty, and brought on, by their inconsiderate loyalty, or self-interested treachery, the misgovernment of the two last Stuarts, and the necessity of their ultimate expulsion. But as this is a very material part of our history, and those who pronounce upon it have not always a very distinct notion either of what was or what could have been done, it may be worth while to consider the matter somewhat more analytically; confining myself, it is to be observed, in the present chapter, to what took place before the king's personal assumption of the government on the 29th of May, 1660. The subsequent proceedings of the convention parliament fall within another period. We may remark, in the first place, that the unconditional restoration of Charles the Second is sometimes spoken of in too hyperbolical language, as if he had come in as a sort of conqueror, with the laws and liberties of the people at his discretion. Yet he was restored to nothing but the bounded prerogatives of a king of England; bounded by every ancient and modern statute, including those of the long parlia ment, which had been enacted for the subjects' security. If it be true, as I have elsewhere observed, that the long parliament, in the year 1641, had established, in its most essential parts, our existing constitution, it can hardly be maintained that fresh limitations and additional securities were absolutely indispensable, before the most fundamental of all its principles, the government by king, lords, and commons, could be permitted to take its regular course. Those who so vehemently reprobate the want of conditions at the restoration would do well to point out what conditions should have been imposed, and what mischiefs they can probably trace from their omission.* They should be able also to prove that, in the circumstances of the time, it was quite as feasible and convenient to make certain secure and obligatory provisions the terms of the king's restoration, as seems to be taken for granted. The chief presbyterians appear to have considered the treaty of Newport, if not as fit to be renewed in every article, yet at least as the basis of the compact into which they were to enter with Charles. But were the concessions wrested in this treaty from his father, in the hour of peril and necessity, fit to become the permanent rules of the English constitution? Turn to the articles prescribed by the long parliament in that negociation. Not to mention the establishment of a rigorous presbytery in the church, they had insisted on the exclusive command of all forces by land and sea for twenty years, with the sole power of levying and expending the monies necessary for their support; on the nomination of the principal officers of state, and of the judges during the same period; and on the exclusion of the king's adherents from all trust or political power. Admit even that the insincerity and arbitrary principles of Charles the First had rendered necessary such extraordinary precautions, was it to be supposed that the executive power should not revert to his successor? Better it were, beyond comparison, to maintain the perpetual exclusion of his family, than to mock them with such a titular crown, the certain cause of discontent and intrigue, and to mingle premature distrust with their professions of affection. There was undoubtedly much to apprehend from the king's restoration; but it might be expected, that a steady regard for public liberty in the parliament and the nation. would obviate that danger without any momentous change of the constitution; or that if such a sentiment should prove unhappily too weak, no guarantees of treaties or statutes would afford a genuine security. If, however, we were to be convinced that the restoration was effected without a sufficient safeguard against the future abuses of royal power, we must still allow, on looking attentively at the circumstances, that there were very great difficulties in the way of any stipulations for that purpose. It must be evident, that any formal treaty between Charles and the English government, as it stood in April, 1660, was inconsistent with their common principle. That government was, by its own declarations, only de facto, only temporary; the return of the secluded members to their seats, and the votes they subsequently passed, held forth to the people that every thing done since the force put on the house in December, 1648, was by an usurpation; the restoration of the ancient monarchy was implied in all recent measures, and was considered as out of all doubt by the whole kingdom. But between a king of England and his subjects no treaty, as such, could be binding; there was no possibility of entering into stipulations with Charles, though in exile, to which a court of justice *To the king's coming in without conditions may be well imputed all the errors of his reign." Thus says Burnet. The great political error, if so it should be termed, of his reign, was a conspiracy with the king of France, and some wicked advisers at home, to subvert the religion and liberty of his subjects; and it is difficult to perceive by what conditions this secret intrigue could have been prevented. Clar. Papers, p. 729. They resolved to send the articles of that treaty to the king, leaving out the preface. This was about the middle of April. |