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Total Representatives for Conn’ht 611 11

622 Percentage of Seats...

98.2 1.8

100 Total councils in Connaught

33 All Republican ULSTER

For
For Self Deter

Republic mination For Labor For Union Total
ANTRIM:
Antrim

2

2 17 21 UNIONIST Ballycastle

5
3

7 15 REP.-NAT. Ballymena

2
3
14 19

UNIONIST Ballymoney

7
1
9

EVEN
Belfast

26 26 UNIONIST Larne

1
4

8 13 UNIONIST Lisburn

2

17

UNIONIST

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9
6.8

15
11.4

10
7.6

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Total

Percentage of seats....
ARMAGH:

Armagh
Crossmaglen
Lurgan
Newry No. 2
Tanderagee

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Total

Percentage of seats....
CAVAN:

Bailieboro
Bawnboy
Castlerahan
Cavan
Enniskillen
Mullaghoran

13

9 10

9 43 8 7

REPUBLICAN REPUBLICAN REPUBLICAR REPUBLICAN REPUBLICAN REPUBLICAN

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6
6.2

100

4

4.2

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Total

52 Percentage of seats.... 42.6

52

18

14.8

52 42.6

122 100

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Percentage of combined Republican and

Republican-Nationalists Seats

88.4

[V]

THE "ULSTER” QUESTION ANALYZED*

Erroneous ideas prevalent with regard to Ireland as the result of an extensive and carefully directed propaganda are well illustrated in the views commonly held about Ulster.

This Irish province is spoken of as though its people formed in themselves a separate nation; as thought it were territorially distinct and its people different in race, religion and general characteristics, from the rest or Ireland's inhabitants.

Ulster's people are represented as leading a more progressive existence, more cultured, more industrious, more prosperous and as possessed of a broader political outlook than Irish people generally.

It would be difficult to conceive of a case so completely misrepresented, for the truth is:

1. That in one only of the nine counties of geographical Ulster do the political conditions at all approximate to those commonly held as obtaining throughout the entire Province. In fact the zone of political Ulster, as it is understood by most foreigners, does not extend even throughout this one county (Antrim), but is confined (as shown in appendix) to its county seat, the city of Belfast.

2. That there is no district in Ulster where the inhabitants could, with any degree of accuracy, be termed a different race from the people of the rest of Ireland.

3. That the supposed progressiveness of Ulster is a myth, pure and simple, as will be shown.

The fact that the Gaelic inhabitants of a large part of Ulster were deprived of their lands and that Scotch and English settlers were “planted” on these lands is the supposed historic background for this socalled “Ulster” condition. It is conveniently forgotten that while the ownership of the lands changed and many of the nobles were forced into exile, the clansmen remained in the country, outnumbering the newcomers, and made it their fixed goal to win their way back to their patrimony.

Thus when the oppression of the landlords and English restriction on trade brought economic depression on Ulster in the eighteenth century, the descendants of the colonists emigrated in large numbers to America, while Ulstermen of old Gaelic stock found occasion to reestablish themselves.

Hence with more than three hundred years of intermarriage there are few native born Ulstermen or Ulsterwomen today in whom Gaelic blood does not predominate.

The idea that Ulster is traditionally in favor of Union with England is also untrue and clearly disproved by the fact that in four insurrections,

[*Note: The statistical returns in this Appendix [V] were taken mainly from "Ireland and the Ulster Legend.” W. A. McKnight, London.]

since the plantation—1641-1882-1798 and 1848—Ulstermen led the way in seeking Irish Independence.

In this they were merely perpetuating the pre-plantation Gaelic spirit of independence, the spirit of the O'Neills, the O'Donnells, and the other Northern princes.

Racially Ulster remains Irish and the great majority of its people have a perspective of Irish history that extends back twenty-four hundred (2400) years.

ACTUAL ZONE OF ULSTER QUESTION

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The “Ulster question," in so far as there is one, is in realiiy an trim question,'' for in the county Antrim alone out of Ireland's thirty-two (32) counties have the Unionists, or British supporters, secured anything like a homogeneous political predominance.

Outside of County Antrim the province of Ulster returned in the General Elections of 1918, fourteen (14) representatives opposed to British rule as compared to ten (10) Unionists favoring it. And of the thirteen (13) representatives returned by the County Antrim, nine (9) of these were elected by the city of Belfast alone; which fact practically reduces the zone of the “Ulster question” to a “Belfast question.”

The following table clearly indicates the preponderance of voters in Ulster, outside the County Antrim, who oppose any form of parliamentary Union with England: GENERAL ELECTION, 1918

Self-Det. Unionist Armagh

1

2 Cavan.

2

0 Derry.

1

2 Donegal..

4

0 Down....

1

4 Fermanagh.

1

1 Monaghan..

2

0 Tyrone...

2

1

Total......

14

10

The votes cast in five of Ulster's nine counties show a substantial majority opposed to Union with England:

Self-Det. Unionist

Votes Votes Cavan

43,418 Donegal

39,081 4,797 Fermanagh

13,041 11,292 Monaghan

21,488 4,497 Tyrone

30,142 24,993

45,579

Total

147,170 Plurality vote favoring Self-Determination for Ireland, 101,591.

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