They have even expressed a desire to have it represented that they would not embark without a perfect independence; and I think it both reasonable and politic for the nation, as well as themselves; for if they remain independent, and open their ports to all nations, these powers will, no doubt, protect them, and it will be not the interest of one nation alone, but every nation.

By the papers here, we are happy to learn that a vessel has sailed from London for Sierra Leone, with the Blacks, and we are all anxious to know how they were received on the coast; and likewise whether they are gone as a colony. If so, unhappy; if the contrary, happy. I wrote a piece lately, which is not quite finished; but will I hope soon be printed for a few of my friends, and some for you in London. It is intended, by a variety of reasoning, to shew the propriety of their being independent; and to shew the bad tendency of colonies at all, likewise the method by which the Blacks may be rendered useful members of society, a commercial nation, and a happy people. Samuel Adams, with whom I am very intimate here, has examined it particularly, and approves of it wholly. I am afraid to publish it, lest it might be handed to my mother before the scheme be ripe for execution, and I would not that she should have unnecessary uneasiness. I love her, and all my relations, but I hope if they do not approve of my making a sacrifice of a few years of my life, my

mind will rest satisfied with the approbation of a higher Being.

I know of no other person who will make the same sacrifice of family, friends, fortune, and an expensive education, with the most precious years in the prime of life, to live with the rejected and despised part of mankind, and in an unhealthy climate. When done, where are my dependencies at my return? My lands in the West Indies, when I have taken off the Blacks that fall to my share, which are more than seventy in number, I mean to give to my mother, and the Blacks, their liberty. My estate in England, to which I became heir, I have given some years ago the rents of to my aged grand-mother, and aunts, during their lives, for their kind and affectionate care of my brother and myself, during our infancy. They were like mothers, and I would treat them as such.

Where now is the tie that will prevent me from attempting to execute this grand affair? What have I to do but to live usefully, and to die happily? If you can find any one who is more calculated to execute it, I will submit to your proposals; but if you cannot, I claim attention; and with the men I can raise here, am willing to attempt what I know many would startle at. My profession and knowledge of many of the arts and sciences, will not meet with a more likely opportunity of proving their utility to the world. I have lately written to France on this subject, and mean soon to open my plans to the friends of

America and England, &c. Liberal subscriptions have been offered me, but I refused them, until I should be empowered to act, by your Committee of African Affairs. Please to send a letter to the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, Newport, Rhode Island, giving, as a body, my character, as I wish them to be fully assured that I am not unworthy of their confidence.

Yours, &c.

W. THORNTON.

LETTER CCLXXIV.

From the same.

Philadelphia, July 26, 1788.

I find that in London you were obliged to compel the Africans to go to Sierra Leone. In America I could raise some thousands of free, good, industrious people, who are desirous of going.—I wrote two letters from Boston, by different vessels for London, but have received no answer. I therein offered my services in going out with the Blacks to Africa. I ask no reward, and have no design but the most praise-worthy. I am even willing to visit the country with a dozen men, who have offered

their services to me, and are not afraid of any danger. I do not think that if I were to take such of my own people as I could have perfect confidence in, that I should be a loser. I should not fail to take up such tracts of land as could be suited to the produce I should most require; and though the land might not immediately make me much return, in a very few years it would be superior to any West India estate. If I could only establish for a certain number of years a chance of exchange betwixt a few people settled there, and merchants that I should appoint to receive theirs, and send our goods, the profit would be great, and a certain share would be my due, with little trouble. Were they indeed to become a happy people, my sacrifice would be but small, and great their gain. They would individually be happy, but I should partake of the happiness of each. My parents wish me again in the West Indies. Africa is very little hotter; and I should prefer spending two or three years there to any part of the world. Projectors, I know, are generally deemed men whose actions run before their reason, but my conduct hath ever been cautious, and if this should be thought an unreasonable intention, it is not for want of consideration, for I have thought very seriously of this affair, even before I left the West Indies; long ere the plan of a Settlement was agitated by sending out the Blacks of England. Dr. Fothergill, indeed, contemplated this many years ago, and he seldom bent his ex

alted mind towards a mean object. It was thought by him a most effectual mode of opening the eyes of the European Powers to behold a source of traffic much more worthy of their merchants than human flesh. He doubted not by this means to destroy the very basis of the slave trade. He pointed out the luxuriant productions of this fertile region which now lies waste, while its numerous inhabitants cultivate little barren spots (comparatively) in a land not nearer the market. What advantage does Europe gain? The produce is still raised by the blacks. In this case they are slaves, in that subjects!-Again, my dear friend, I solicit thy patience thy consideration of this important subject-thou hast succeeded Fothergill, and thy benevolence is a continuation of his. Again, I solicit thy advice, and I will also ask thy aid-I ask it, not for myself alone, but for a nation.-I would that the Africans were an independent people, that no nation may say, "to our market alone you shall send your commodities"-they may be taxed high-higher than in other countries the markets may be lower-the African wants encouragement, but in that case he would meet with none. You may say, who must protect them?-God, and their own arms. It may require some time to establish such a colony, or rather Settlement, as I hate the word colony. But I would, before we entered upon it, show such a plan that would carry with it full evidence of its practicability. I would dedicate some time to it,