pensable parts of a Flemish farm. It supplies a kind of manure, which can be applied to the land at all times, which invigorates sickly crops, and may often produce an abundant return, where otherwise there would be a complete failure. There are many plans of farm-buildings given in works on agriculture, which combine all that is useful on a large scale. Most of these plans have been executed at a great expense for the farming establishments of noblemen and men of large fortunes. They may be considered as the palaces of husbandry, where much is expended for the sake of grandeur. But the proprietor who desires to erect buildings most proper for the occupation of his land must study economy, and lay out no more in buildings than is necessary. They should be so substantial as not to require frequent repairs; without unnecessarily increasing the original expense of materials and labour. Light thatched roofs are sufficient for the sheds and smaller buildings, and even for the cow-houses and stables; but the A. principal yard. B, second feeding yard, divided. C, small paved yard adjoining the dairy and piggery. D, dairy two feet under the level of the yard. E, wash-house and brew house. F, kitchen. G, skallery. waste of straw and the danger from fire should be set against the cost of tiles or slate as a covering. The barn should not be thatched, unless it can be done with reeds, which form a durable and impervious covering, not subject to be infested with rats. The house should always be detached from the farm-buildings, and should have a tiled or slated roof. We here give a plan of plain farm-buildings for the occupation of 200 or 300 acres of land, of which two-thirds are arable, fit for turnips, barley, clover, and wheat. The farm house should have a large kitchen, two good parlours, and five or six Led-rooms; a wash-house, with coppers to brew; a scullery, and larder. The dairy should communicate with the house, and with a small paved court, near which are the pig-sties and the cow-house. There should be two distinct farm-yards with proper sheds, and in each there should be a cistern for the urine from the stables and the drainings from the dung. B SCALE OF FEXT. 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Upper floor. For a small occupation, where the tenant is but a little above the rank of a day labourer, a set of buildings all under one roof, and forming the longer side of the yard, which may have open sheds round it, such as is represented in the annexed figure and plan, is at once convenient and economical. If this building is thought too long, it can very easily be divided into two, which may be placed at right angles to each other and form two sides of a square. The farm-house and cow-house might form one side, and the stables and barns the other. This is the more common distribution in Flanders. These two examples of farm-buildings will be sufficient to give some idea of what may be proper for farms of an intermediate size. A principal thing to be attended to is to have plenty of room for cattle; and where old barns remain much larger than is required according to the present mode of stacking corn in the yard, they can be very advantageously converted into cow-stalls or ox-stables. Where many sheep are kept, it is of great advantage to have a sheep-yard, with low sheds all round, at the time when the ewes lamb, especially when the season is wet and chilly, which hurts them more than a dry frost. The second yard B (see plan, p. 197) is well adapted for that purpose; and an additional temporary shed against the partition which divides it in two will convert either division into an excellent sheep-yard. In valuing the rent of a farm the habitation of the farmer is seldom taken into the account, and it ought not to be above the station of the tenant; but the buildings immediately connected with the cultivation necessarily add to the rent or diminish it, as they add to or diminish the profit. The next important question is what may be a fair rent both to the landlord and the tenant. This depends as much on the mode of cultivation adopted as on the fertility of the soil. The tenant must have a fair interest for his capital, and a fair remuneration for his trouble. In the old system a third of the gross average produce was considered as a fair rent, including all the direct payments for the occupation of the land, such as tithes, rates, and taxes; another third was supposed to cover the labour and expenses of the farm and interest of capital; and the remaining third was appropriated to the maintenance of the farmer and his family, out of which he had to save whatever he laid by as a clear profit. But this calculation is no longer applicable to the present state of agriculture. The expenses are greatly increased, and the produce is also greater. It requires a greater capital, and more skill to manage a large farm. The tenant is a man of a more liberal education, and his habits are more expensive. The occupier of 500 acres of land in England expects to live as well as a land-owner of 5007. a year income. He cultivates better by applying more labour, and much of the produce is owing to his skill and his capital. He therefore expects a greater share of the produce than the landlord, not only to repay his outlay, which is greater, but to live upon. Supposing the tenant to have a capital employed equal to ten times the rent, which is often the case, the gross annual produce ought to be equal to five times the rent. This we shall distribute as follows: twofifths for expenses, including rates, tithes, labour, and interest of capital at 5 per cent.; one-fifth for rent; onetenth for improvements and purchased manure; and threetenths net profit of the farmer, out of which he is to live. This appears a less proportion than the old third; but it must be remembered that the produce is greatly increased. It will be found, wherever accurate ac counts are kept and a farm is skilfully managed, that the proportions above stated are not far from the truth. It requires much judgment and experience to calculate what average crops may be expected by an improved mole of cultivation, and especially by increasing the number of cattle and sheep maintained on the farm. In Scotland it is notorious that rents are much higher than in Englaud, not only for small occupations, but for extensive farms; and that the tenants have complained less of the times than their neighbours in the south. It may be worth while to inquire into the cause of this, for the low price of corn must affect the Scotch farmer equally with the English. One great difference between the Scotch and the English farmer is, that the former gets work done at a cheaper rate than the latter. The Scotch labourer is fully as well fed, and clothed, and lodged, as the English; but he has less money to spend at the alehouse. He is paid, not in a certain sum every Saturday, but in comforts, in the keep of a cow, in a certain number of rows of potatoes, a certain quantity of malt to make his beer, a cottage to live in, and a meal to feed his family. His immediate wants are supplied, and he is comfortable; the consequence is, that he works willingly. He has no remnant of the last night's debauch at the beer-shop. He is early at work, and he does his work cheerfully. The horses of a Scotch farmer are well fed; they are always in good condition. They work ten and even twelve hours in a day at two yokings. The ploughman only thinks how he shall finish his work in proper time, and unless he makes the horses work as much as they can without distressing them. he knows he shall not get through his work. All this is worth 25 per cent, on the whole labour of the farin, as Arthur Young has very judiciously calculated, when he gives the expense of labour on the farm of a gentleman, compared with that on the land of a farmer who works with his men. (See Farmer's Guide.) The moral effect of an interest in the work to be done, when opposed to that of a perfectly distinct and often hostile interest, will readily account for so great a difference. But besides this the Scotch farmer has generally the ad vantage of a scientific education, and of a thorough knowledge of the principles of his profession; and with the shrewdness peculiar to his country, he knows how to take advantage of every favourable circumstance. He has also been taught to calculate, and will soon discover where there is a profit or a loss. This has made him turn his attention to cattle and sheep of late years, more than to the production of corn; and the Scotch have found, that while a very decent profit was made on the cattle, their land produced more corn, although it sold at a lower price; for the green crops raised for the cattle, and the manure made by them, enriched the land so much, that the average produce on some light lands was nearly doubled. All this kept up rents to a much higher level than in England, where prices were low, and there were no means of diminishing expenses or increasing produce. Hence rents in Scotland have kept up wonderfully, when we consider the great fall of rents in England since the peace. cannot be confused by it, and it is so perfect that no erroi car escape its scrutiny. As applied to agricultural accounts, which are simple in their nature, it becomes so clear, that if once adopted, it is impossible that it should ever be abandoned. The satisfaction of a perfect proof of the correctness of the accounts is so great, that no one who has ever experienced it will be satisfied with any other method. To give a general and comprehensive notion of the sys tem of double entry, to those who are unacquainted with it, would lead us from our present purpose, suffice it to say, The price of agricultural produce throughout Great that every account is checked by another, in which the same Britain and even Ireland is brought very nearly to an equa-entry is made in a different manner. The sum of all the lity, the only difference being occasioned by the means of entries must be equal on each account; and consequently transport. But the price of labour still varies much, and any inequality indicates an error somewhere, which may be this is owing to local circumstances, which it is hoped will detected. gradually cease. While the very unequal distribution of the expense of the maintenance of the poor was not remedied, adjoining parishes might differ in any proportion with respect to the actual price of labour; and before a fair rent could be calculated, it was necessary to consider how much of the value of the labour was paid directly, and how much in the shape of rates. Our northern neighbours were free from this uncertainty. Farm Accounts. In proportion as the management of a farm requires more skill, and the various operations become more complicated, so the necessity of great accuracy in the accounts becomes more evident. The manner in which farm accounts should be kept deserves therefore particular attention. Many farmers, who are not devoid of intelligence, and who are anxious to ascertain their gain or their loss in cultivating the land which they have hired, have no other means of ascertaining this than the balance of their account of receipts and expenditure. If they have separated the accounts of their private establishment from that of their farm, they think that they have done all that is required, and at the end of the year they can tell accurately how much they have gained or lost by their farm. But ask them to account for this gain or loss, and they can give no answer. If a tradesman, who has a capital in business equal to that of a farmer of a considerable number of acres, were to keep accounts in this manner, and become a bankrupt, no one would hesitate in saying that he failed because he kept no regular accounts. He had no greater stake than the farmer, and his transactions were perhaps less varied: if he kept no clerk, he should have attended better to the accounts himself. The same may be said of the farmer; and if a man who has a floating capital of 20007. does not think it worth his while to employ a clerk to keep his accounts, not having time to do so himself, it is no great wonder if he is involved in difficulties. But it may be said that agricultural accounts are very simple, and that any one can keep them. So are merchants' accounts at first sight. Nothing is simpler than to put down what is bought and sold, what is the profit on each transaction, and the sum is the profit on the whole. But merchants know that to keep this very simple account many books, many entries, many checks, and consequently many clerks are required. In a lesser degree this is true in a farm. It is easy to know what is bought and sold; what is expended or produced; but it requires very minute accounts to ascertain what part of the farm gives a profitable return, and what is the cause of loss. There may be a profit on the crops and a loss on the stock, or vice versa. The money expended on improvements or adventitious manure may have produced an increase which is proportionate to the outlay, and which affords a good interest; but it may also be a decided loss. How is this to be ascertained, except it be by accurate accounts? The expense of keeping accounts is much overrated. A clerk who has his board and 307. a year is generally a young man who has some education. He is useful in seeing that the operations ordered by the farmer are duly executed. He is a trusty overseer, and, as he has his accounts in his thoughts, he is most likely to detect the cause of any loss, from a want of attention in subordinate agents;-his salary is therefore well earned, and the farmer will not think it thrown away. In whatever manner the accounts are kept, whether by the farmer himself or by a clerk, method is of great importance: and whatever may be said against it by those who do not know its value, there is no system of accounts which can be compared with the well-known method of double entry, as it is called, which is of Italian invention. The principle of this method is so simple, that the slowest arithmetician In the accounts of a farm there are many separate items to be taken into consideration. There may be a separate account kept for every field. There should always be one for every crop of which the rotation consists. There is an account of the labour of men and horses; of the produce of the dairy; of the stock purchased to be fatted, or sold again in an improved state. În short the divisions of the general account may be increased without limit. The more subjects there are to furnish items for an account, the more difficult it is to strike a balance, but, with a little attention and perseverance, it may be done; and he who keeps very correct accounts will always be the first to discover any impending evil, and to take measures to provide against it. The basis of all the accounts is a daily journal of every transaction, which must be collected from all the labourers and agents employed. M. De Dombasle, at his celebrated farm of Roville, in France, has all his principal servants and his apprentices assembled every evening after the day's work is over. Each man gives an account of the work done by him or under his superintendence, which is written down by the clerk. The orders for the next day are then given, and every one returns to his lodging or his home. In the course of the next day the clerk enters all that is in the journal into a book, where every person employed has an account; every field has one; every servant and domestic animal has one; and every item which can be separated from the rest is entered, both as adding to the account or taking from it. For example, the milk of the cows is entered daily. The quantity of butter, butter-milk and skimmed-milk, which it produces is also entered; and these two accounts check one another. Any error is immediately detected, and the knowledge of this prevents mistakes. An entry should be made of every particular operation in each field, that the farmer may know which is his most profitable land. The number of ploughings, the quantity of manure, the state of the weather, and all other circumstances which may influence the return should be carefully noted, in order that it may be clearly seen whether any experiment or deviation from the usual routine is advantageous or otherwise. Thus all real improvements may be encouraged, and uncertain theories detected by the result. The most important circumstance which influences the profits of a farmer is the cost of his team and the wages of his labourers. These vary in different situations so much, that they greatly influence the rent which he can afford to give for the land. In some parts of the country the horses are pampered and kept so fat that they can scarcely do a day's work as they ought. In others they are over-worked and badly fed. Either extreme must be a loss to the farmer. In the first case, the horses cannot do their work, and they consume an unnecessary quantity of provender; in the other, they are soon worn out, and the loss in horses that become useless or die is greater than the saving in their food, or the extra work done by them. A horse properly fed will work eight or ten hours every day in the week, resting only on Sundays; by a judicious division of the labour of the horses, they are never over-worked, and an average value of a day's work is casily ascertained. This, in a well regulated farm, will be found much less than the common valuations give it. It is here that most of the errors are to be detected in the accounts of the expense of cultivation given in evidence before parliament, without any intention to deceive in those who gave the accounts. There have been printed forms invented in order to render the accounts more simple as well as more comprehensive. Forms may be of use to enter minute details; and each superintendent labourer may have a form of entry for the work which he performs or superintends; but the ledger should be kept exactly as that of a mercantile man, and In entering on a farm there is often a heavy demand on the in-coming tenant for work done by the predecessor, for a supposed remainder of manure, and various other items, which are usually settled by reference to the custom of the country. Some general rule is required to regulate all these demands, which are often exorbitant, and cripple the in-coming tenant in his capital. It is just that an outgoing tenant should be repaid for any permanent improvement which he has made, and of which he has not reaped the whole advantage, and that he should be encouraged to keep up the proper cultivation of the land, so that the incoming tenant may be able to continue the regular course. But this he will not do, unless he expect to be remunerated. On the other hand, it is also just that the in-coming tenant should not pay for work slovenly done or for supposed remnants of manure which do not exist in the land. We have known instances where the valuation of all the items to be paid for by the in-coming tenant greatly diminished his capital and crippled his operations for several years. There should therefore be a separate stipulation on this head before a farm is finally hired. that it is not easy to estimate such commentaries as Dr Farmer's above their true value; indeed, if we had to choose from all Shakspeare's voluminous annotators what appears to us most deserving of study, we should have no hesitation, as far as English literature goes, in fixing on Coleridge's Lectures' and Dr. Farmer's Essay,' works which are, and are intended to be, entirely dissimilar, but which, more than any others, come up to our notion of a commentary on Shakspeare. In FARMERS GENERAL, Fermiers Généraux, was the name given in France under the old monarchy to a company which farmed certain branches of the public revenue, that is to say, contracted with the government to pay into the treasury a fixed yearly sum, taking upon itself the collection of certain taxes as an equivalent. The system of farming the taxes was an old custom of the French monarchy. Under Francis I., the revenue arising from the sale of salt was farmed by private individuals in each town. This was and is still in France and other countries of Europe a monopoly of the government. The government has alone the right of providing the people with salt, which it collects in its stores, and sells to the retailers at its own price. This monopoly was first assumed by Philippe de Valois in 1350. Other sources of revenue were likewise farmed by several individuals, most of whom were favourites of the court or of the minister of the day. Sully, the able minister of Henry IV., seeing the dilapidation of the public revenue occasioned by this system, by which, out of 150 millions paid by the people, only 30 millions reached the treasury, opened the contracts for farming the taxes to public auction, giving them to the highest bidder, according to the antient Roman practice. By this means he greatly increased the revenue of the state. But the practice of private contracts through favour or bribing was renewed under the following reigns: Colbert, the minister of Louis XIV., called the farmers of the revenue to a severe account, and by an act of power deprived them of their enormous gains. In 1728, under the regency, the various individual leases were united into a Ferme Générale, which was let to a company, the members of which were henceforth called Fermiers Généraux. FARMER, Dr. RICHARD, descended from a respect- 1759, Silhouette, minister of Louis XV., quashed the conable family in Leicestershire, was born at Leicester, August tracts of the farmers general, and levied the taxes by Ins 28, 1735. He received the early part of his education in own agents. But the system of contracts revived: for the the Free Grammar School of his native town, and in 1753 court, the ministers, and favourites were all well disposed to was entered a pensioner of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. them, as private bargains were made with the farmers He appears to have been little influenced by the overbear-general, by which they paid large sums as douceurs. In ing tendency to mathematical study which existed and still the time of Necker, the company consisted of 44 members, exists in that University, and, after his degree, took no in- who paid a rent of 186 millions of livres, and Necker calcuterest in pursuits of that nature, farther than was necessary lated their profit at about two millions yearly, no very exfor the purposes of college tuition. In 1760 he became traordinary sum, if correct. But independent of this profi Classical Tutor of Emmanuel College, which office he held there were the expenses of collection, and a host of subuntil his election to the mastership in 1775. He served alterns to support: the company had its officers and acthe office of Vice-Chancellor in the same year, and in 1778 countants, receivers, collectors, &c., who having the public was elected Chief Librarian to the University. In 1780 he force at their disposal, committed numerous acts of inwas collated to a prebendal stall at Lichfield, and some time justice towards the people, especially the poorer class, by afterwards became Prebendary of Canterbury, which he distraining their goods, selling their chattels, &c. The resigned (1788) for the office of a Canon Residentiary atgabelle' or sale of salt, among others, was a fruitful source St. Paul's. He died after a long and painful illness, at of oppression. Not satisfied with obliging the people to pay Emmanuel Lodge, Sept. 8, 1797, and was buried in the for the salt at the price fixed upon it in the name of the chapel. An epitaph to his memory was written by Dr. king, they actually obliged every individual above eight years Parr, and is inscribed on the college cloisters. Dr. Farmer of age to buy a certain quantity of salt whether wanted or not. collected a valuable library of tracts and early English But the rule was not alike all over France; in some proliterature, which was sold after his death and produced, as vinces, which enjoyed certain privileges, salt was nine livres it is said, a great deal more than it originally cost. the 100 weight, whilst in others it cost 16, and in some 62 Dr. Farmer's constant residence at Cambridge is said to livres. In some provinces the quantity required to be purhave been owing to an early disappointment in love; a chased per head was 25 pounds weight; in others it was cause perhaps more productive of resident fellows than any nine pounds. And yet the provinces, nay the individual other. His political principles were inclined to toryism, families of each province, were prohibited under the seand he appears to have been attached to that party in the verest penalties from accommodating each other's wants, church which goes by the name of orthodox.' His man- and buying the superfluous salt of their neighbours, but ners were frank and unreserved, and his habits rather those whoever wanted more salt than his obligatory allowance was of a boon companion than of a clergyman. It is reported obliged to resort to the government stores. Besides, every of him that he declined a bishopric rather than forego his article of provisions that was exported from one province to favourite amusement of seeing Shakspeare performed on another was subject to duties called Traites. Every apprenthe stage, a reason which, if founded on truth, had at all tice on being bound to a master was bound to pay to the events more cogency in the time of Garrick than at present. king a certain sum according to the nature of the trade, Dr. Farmer is celebrated, and justly so, for one single and afterwards a much larger sum on his admission to work, his Essay on the Learning of Shakspeare,' which, in practise his trade as a 'master. These few instances our opinion, surpasses anything of the kind written in Eng-may serve to convey an idea of the spirit of taxation in land, and is perhaps the best commentary which we possess. The mixture of gold and rubbish which is generally appended as notes to every edition of Shakspeare contains so little of the former element and so much of the latter, France previous to the revolution. A lively but faithful picture of the whole system is given in Breton's Histoire Financière de la France, 2 vols. 8vo., Paris, 1829. farmers general, as the agents of that system, coming into The Immediate contact with the people, drew upon themselves | Arbiter's Satyricon.' (Biogr. Brit. Kippis's edit. vol. v. p. a proportionate share of popular hatred. But the revolution 682; Wood's Ath. Oxon. last edit. vol. iii. col. 213-216; swept away the farmers general, and put an end to the sys- Biogr. Universelle, tom. xiv. p. 168.) tem of farming the revenues: it equalized the duties and taxes all over France; but the monopoly of the salt and tobacco has remained, as well as the duties on provisions, cattle, and wine brought into Paris and other large towns, and the right of searching by the octroi officers, if they think fit, all carriages and individuals entering the barriers or gates of the same. The system of farming the taxes, although generally disapproved of, is still continued in some European states. Not many years ago the custom-house duties at Naples were farmed by private speculators. For the character and effects of the system see Necker, De l'Administration des Finances. FARNABY, or FARNABIE, THOMAS, a learned critic and grammarian, was born in London in 1575. His grandfather was of Truro in Cornwall; but his great-grandfather, an Italian musician, was the first of his family who settled in England. He was admitted of Merton College, Oxford, in 1590, in the station of a servitor; but being of an unsettled disposition, he quitted the university abruptly, changed his religion, passed over to Spain, and was received into one of the colleges of that country belonging to the Jesuits. Growing weary of the discipline of the Jesuits' institution, he did not stop very long with them, but in 1595 joined Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins in their last expedition. He is reported also to have served subsequently as a soldier in the Low Countries. Gaining no profit in these expeditions, he returned to England, landed in Cornwall, and in the urgency of his necessities descended to the humble employment of teaching children their horn-book. In this situation he assumed the name of Thomas Bainrafe, the anagram of Farnabie. After some time he changed his residence to Martock in Somersetshire, where he established a grammar-school for youth with great success, under his own name. From Martock he removed to London, and opened a school in Goldsmiths' Rents behind Red-cross-street, near Cripplegate, where his reputation became so established, that the number of his scholars, chiefly the sons of noblemen and gentlemen, amounted at one time to more than 300. Antony à Wood says, his school was so frequented that more churchmen and statesmen issued from it than from any school taught by one man in England. Whilst here he was created M.A. in the University of Cambridge, and on the 24th April, 1616, was incorporated in the same degree at Oxford. In 1636 he quitted London to reside at Sevenoaks in Kent, but here he resumed his former occupation, and, with the wealth which he had accumulated, purchased landed property both in Kent and Sussex. In 1641 he became mixed up in the commotions of the times as a favourer of the royal cause, and was fortunate in receiving no other punishment than residences in prison, first in Newgate, and afterwards in Ely House. It was at one time debated in the House of Commons whether he should not be transported to America. Wood insinuates that some of the members of both Houses who had been his scholars were among those who urged his being treated with severity. He died on the 12th of June, 1647, and was interred in the chancel of the church at Sevenoaks. FARNE'SE, the name of a noble family of modern Rome, who were originally feudatories of the territory of Farnese and Montalto, in the Papal States, south-west of the lake of Bolsena, and near the borders of Tuscany. The splendour of this family was greatly increased by the exaltation of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to the Papal See after the demise of Clement VII. in October, 1534. [PAUL III.] This pope had a natural son, Pier Luigi Farnese, whom he determined to make a sovereign prince. For this purpose he first of all alienated part of the territory of the church in the neighbourhood of the feudal domain of his family, and formed a duchy called that of Castro, from the name of its chief town, adding to it the towns of Ronciglione and Nepi, with their territories. This district, which comprised nearly one-half of the province called Patrimonio di S. Pietro, he bestowed on Pier Luigi and his descendants, with the title of Duke of Castro, as a great fief of the Holy See. He also obtained for him from Charles V. the investiture of the Marquisate of Novara as an imperial fief, and from the Venetian Senate permission to be inscribed on the golden book of the patricians of Venice, an honour considered as equal, if not superior, to that of a feudal title. The pope also made his son Gonfaloniere, or Captain General, of the Holy See, an office which Pier Luigi dishonoured by the most depraved conduct. Lastly, Paul III. in 1545 gave his son the investiture of Parma and Piacenza, which Pope Julius II. had conquered, with the title of sovereign duke of those states, on condition that the duke and his successors should pay an annual sum of 8,000 ducats to the Roman See. The emperor Charles V., however, who, as Duke of Milan, had claims on Parma and Piacenza, would not bestow the investiture upon Pier Luigi. The new Duke of Parma and Piacenza soon became hateful to his subjects for his vices and oppression, and a conspiracy was formed by Count Anguissola and other noblemen, secretly countenanced by Don Ferrante Gonzaga, imperial governor of Milan, who hated Pier Luigi. On the morning of the 10th September, 1547, Anguissola stabbed the duke while at dinner in the ducal palace of Piacenza, and threw his body out of the window, when it was mutilated and dragged about by the mob. Piacenza was taken possession of by the imperial troops, but Parma remained in possession of Ottavio Farnese, son of the murdered duke. In 1556, Philip II., as sovereign of the Milanese, restored Piacenza to the Duke Ottavio, but the citadel continued to be garrisoned by Spanish soldiers. Ottavio dying in 1587, was succeeded as Duke of Parma and Piacenza by his son Alessandro Farnese, who distinguished himself as general of the Spanish armies in the wars against France. He was made governor of the Spanish Netherlands by Philip II., and carried on the war against the Prince of Orange. He is known in history by the name of the Duke of Parma. Alessandro died in 1592, and was succeeded by Ranuccio Farnese, a suspicious and cruel prince. A conspiracy was hatched against him at Rome, but it being discovered, a number of people were put to death in 1612. His successor, Odoardo Farnese, quarrelled with Pope Urban VIII. about the Duchy of Castro, which that pope wished to take away from him to give it to his own nephews, the Barberini. This gave rise to an absurd His own works were-1. 'Index Rhetoricus Scholis ac- and tedious warfare between the papal troops and those of commodatus,' 12mo. Lond. 1625: to which in 1646 were Parma. Ultimately, through the mediation of other princes, added Formula Oratoriæ et Index Poeticus: the fifth the Farnese were left in possession of Castro, but under edition was printed in 1654. 2. Florilegium Epigramma- the following pontificate of Innocent X. they were finally tum Græcorum, eorumque Latino versu à variis reddito- deprived of that territory in 1650, and the pope razed the rum,' 8vo. Lond. 1629, 1650. 3. Systema Grammaticum,' town of Castro to the ground, under the pretence of its Svo. Lond. 1641. 4. Phrasæologia Anglo-Latina,' 8vo. bishop having been murdered by some assassins. This Lond. 5. Tabulæ Linguæ Græcæ,' 4to. Lond. 6. Syn- occurred under Ranuccio II., Farnese, Duke of Parma, who taxis,' 8vo. Lond. His editions of the classics, with anno- had succeeded Odoardo. The Farnese continued to rule tations, were Juvenal and Persius, 12mo. Lond. 1612; over Parma and Piacenza till 1731, when the last duke, Amst. 1662; Hag. 1663. Seneca, 12mo. Lond. 1613; Antonio Farnese, having died without issue, the male line Amst. 1632, 1634; 8vo. Pat. 1659; 12mo. Amst. 1665. of the Farnese became extinct. But Elizabeth Farnese, Martial, 12mo. Lond. 1615; Gen. 1623; Lond. 1633. wife of Philip V. of Spain, claiming the duchy for her Lucan, 12mo. Lond. 1618; 8vo. Francof. 1624. Virgil, children, it was ultimately given, by the peace of Aix la 8vo. Lond. 1634. Ovid, fol. Par. 1637; 12mo. Lond. 1677, Chapelle, to her younger son Don Filiopo. [PARMA.] The &c. His Notes upon Terence were finished only as far as other fiefs, however, and the personal property of the Farthe fourth comedy when he died; but Dr. Meric Casaubon nese, including the rich museum and the splendid palaces completed the two last comedies, and published the whole at Rome, were given to his brother, Don Carlos, king of at London, 12mo. 1651. Other editions were 8vo. 1669; the two Sicilies, and some of the finest statues and paintand Salm, 1671. Dr. Bliss, in his additions to Wood's ings in the museum of Naples are derived from that inAthenæ, says, 'Farnaby intended an edition of Petronius | heritance. The Farnese palace at Rome, which belongs to P C., No. 620. VOL. X.-2 D |