value. It is a noteworthy contribution to the history of the English people. It must be so regarded, among other reasons, for the glimpses it affords of police and sanitation in the large cities in the era before the reform of the municipal corporations eighty years ago, and of social conditions in England during the Napoleonic wars-particularly of the hard experiences of the wives and children of English and Irish militiamen in the days when every able-bodied working man was liable to the militia ballot, and when the central government gave itself no concern as to what became of the families of the men who were pressed for the navy or balloted for the militia.

HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT.

EDWARD PORRITT.

The History and Economics of Transport. By ADAM W. KIRKALDY and ALFRED DUDLEY EVANS. London, Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons, Ltd., n. d.-ix, 338 pp.

Messrs. Kirkaldy and Evans's History and Economics of Transport is remarkably well arranged; and for a book written primarily for students of transport in the newer universities and schools of economics in England, its comprehensiveness is equally remarkable. Wellordered arrangement is also accompanied, as might be expected, with clearness of statement; and these features should help to make a reading constituency for the book far beyond the student body for which it is primarily intended.

The three hundred pages of text are divided into four sections-an introduction of five chapters, and three parts. The introduction carries the history of transport down to the beginning of the railway era in England, and includes an informing chapter on the history of the canal system and its condition at the period when the supremacy of the canal as a method of freight transport was first threatened by the railways. The railway in the United Kingdom and in Europe and the United States forms the subject of part i. This is an admirable. section; for, taken in conjunction with the chapter in the introduction on railways and the locomotive, it furnishes a well-told and good working history of the railway system of Great Britain from 1814, when Stephenson built his first locomotive at Killingworth colliery, to the new era of traffic agreements between English railway companies that began in 1905. The history of the railways of the United States is not detailed ; and in a book intended for use in British universities it is remarkable that the railways of Canada are quite ignored, notwithstanding the fact that one of the longest railways in the British Empire-the Inter

colonial-is owned and operated by the Dominion government, and the further fact that in the Railway Commission, which was created by the Laurier Government in 1903, Canada has one of the most efficient and at the same time least expensive railway courts in the Englishspeaking world. Brief as is the chapter on American railways, it affords an opportunity of comparing the vastly different conditions which attended the beginning of the railway era in England and in the United States, and also of paying a tribute to the American railway system."From some points of view," write the authors in concluding their survey of the history and working of the American railway system, "it is one of the most efficient, best arranged, and cheapest systems in the world. It moves an immense volume of goods traffic; and the average rate per ton-mile charged for the work it does is the lowest in the world."

Both railway and canal economics are discussed in part ii. Railway economics are considered under the headings: railway capital, railway revenue and expenditure, the evolution of railway rates and fares, theories as to the basis of railway rates, allegations of discrimination and excessive rates, the question of foreign preference, government control of railways, railway statistics and accounts, and state railways. All these questions are discussed, of course, from an English standpoint, with some attention to American and European conditions, but generally with a view to comparisons. From the point of view of railway history, the chapter on government control is especially noteworthy. It extends only to nineteen pages; but within this small compass there is an excellent account of the gradual development of the control that Parliament, the Board of Trade, and the Railway and Canal Commission exercise over the construction of railways and over many details of their operation.

Nearly seventy pages are occupied by the section on shipping and ocean transport-a section that is inclusive and well-balanced, and that carries the history of shipbuilding and the economy of transport down to as recently as June, 1914, when the Suez Canal Company announced that the canal was available for vessels drawing up to thirty feet of water. The evolution of the modern freighter is followed in considerable detail until as recently as the coming-in of the oil tank steamer. There is, however, no mention of the great contribution that the lake shipyards of the United States have made to transport economy. The lack of any mention of the present-day lake freighter is the more noteworthy because the authors pay their tribute to the men of the old New England shipyards who designed and built the

American clipper; and because, in the chapter on coaling stations, they give a good description of the development of the American iron and steel industry. As is well known in this country, the evolution of the modern bulk-freighter in service on the Great Lakes grew directly out of the demand at lower lake ports for ore from Michigan and Minnesota.

The book was apparently in press before August, 1914-before the war had altered so many of the currents of trade, and had created the new and large oversea demand for American coal. In view of this new American trade, some significance attaches to a forecast made by the authors in the chapter on the coaling stations of the world's mercantile marine. Almost from the time that steamers began to supersede sailing vessels in ocean transport, supplies for these coaling stations were drawn exclusively from Great Britain, to the great advantage of the British coal trade, and also of British shipping. In more recent years, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India, China and Japan have been pushing into this trade with the coaling stations. Messrs. Kirkaldy and Evans note this fact, and also the fact that good American coal has been sold at Panama ports at 175 6d per ton. With the development of the American coal trade through the Panama canal, they anticipate American competition for the trade of the coaling stations" not a pleasurable prospect," they add, "for British shipping interests; for with the export of coal on a large scale, American shipping will again become a serious competitor for ocean transport services."

HARTFORD, COnnecticut.

EDWARD PORRITT.

Disturbed Dublin. The Story of the Great Strike of 1913-1914. By ARNOLD WRIGHT. New York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1914.-xii, 337 PP.

In the history of labor troubles in the United Kingdom since the industrial era began there is no upheaval comparable with that which harassed and dislocated the trade of Dublin from 1911 to 1913, an upheaval which, after bringing much distress on some sixteen thousand of the wage-earning men and women of Dublin, culminated in the complete defeat of the Irish Transport Workers' Union in the winter of 19131914. The unrest had its source at Liberty Hall, the headquarters of the Transport Workers' Union, where the presiding officer and impelling force in the long series of strikes from 1911 to 1914 was Mr. James Larkin, one of the most remarkable men who ever obtained a place in the history of trade-unionism in England, Scotland or Ireland.

Mr. Larkin, who first came into prominence in 1908, had made himself a dictator in the labor world of Dublin when in 1913 the employers formed a federation and resorted to lockouts in order to defeat the nondescript trade-unionism that had been created by Mr. Larkin and his official associates at Liberty Hall. These lockouts brought the labor difficulties of Dublin to a head; and at this stage Larkinism created much trouble and embarrassment for the older trade unions in the United Kingdom, raised serious questions for Dublin Castle and for the Asquith Cabinet, and for many weeks riveted public attention in England and Scotland, as well as in Ireland, on Dublin.

Adequate newspaper attention was bestowed on the later stage of the trouble. It could not be otherwise, in view of the disorder and distress in Dublin that resulted from the lockout of fifteen or sixteen thousand wage-earners of the city. But the newspaper reporting was largely either partisan or sensational, and it was concerned chiefly with the extraordinary developments of Larkinism. Mr. Arnold Wright traces the Larkin movement in detail from 1908 to its final and complete collapse in the winter of 1913. It cannot be claimed for Mr. Wright's history that it is much less partisan than some of the newspaper correspondence that was telegraphed to the English newspapers during the last stage of the struggle between Mr. Larkin and the federated employers of Dublin. Mr. Wright is unmistakably on the side of the Dublin employers and of Mr. William Martin Murphy, the leader of the employers, in their resort to lockouts as a means of making an end to the irresponsible trade-unionism that was developed at Liberty Hall between 1908 and 1913. But while Mr. Wright's history has this bias, it is a full and painstaking narrative of the various stages of the Larkin movement. It is prefaced by a remarkably good description of the social squalor of Dublin-the appalling housing conditions for which Dublin has long been notorious. One of the most informing chapters in the history of the labor unrest of 1908-1914 is that in which Mr. Wright examines the journalism of the Larkin movement. Ireland has had many newspapers which gave trouble to the attorney-generals and other law officers of the crown; but none-not even United Ireland of the eighties and nineties of the last century-was more daring or more revolutionary than The Worker, which was edited by Mr. Larkin and was the official organ of Liberty Hall.

The appendices extend to nearly forty pages; and as they are chiefly documentary, they are of much value to students of one of the most extraordinary developments in the history of trade-unionism in the United Kingdom. EDWARD PORRITT.

Hartford, Connecticut.

Third Party Movements Since the Civil War. By FRED E. HAYNES. Iowa City, State Historical Society of Iowa, 1916. xii, 564 PP.

Under the title Third Party Movements the author sets himself the task of writing a history of agrarian discontent in the United States from the Civil War to the present. His reason for thus limiting his field is indicated in the following paragraph from his preface:

Primarily a party of one issue, which has been largely a moral one, the Prohibition party has been national in its source and scope: it has no vital connection with frontier conditions nor with the economic and social life of the West. The Socialist party, on the other hand, has been international in its history and development: it has grown out of the industrial revolution in European countries and its program and policies have been shaped by conditions there. So far as those conditions have reappeared in the United States, European socialism has grown stronger in this country. There is nothing distinctively Western or American about the Prohibitionists and Socialists, as has been the case with the Anti-Monopoly, the Greenback, and the Populist parties [pages vii, viii].

An account of the Liberal Republican party is included, however. One wonders why, for, though it originated in Missouri, one has difficulty in finding that it possessed any other qualities distinctively western, which characterize the other three parties mentioned. Its inclusion only mars the unity of the volume, while the author fails to compensate for this defect by adding anything new to the history of that ill-starred organization, which, as Horace White says, proposed "to go through the temple of freedom with a scourge of small cords and drive. out the grafters and money-changers."

After disposing of the Liberal Republicans, Mr. Haynes devotes some forty pages to a discussion of the various farmers' movements during the middle of the seventies. In this part of his study he has added very little to the subject that is not to be found in Dr. Solon Buck's very excellent Granger Movement and other writings by the same author. The bulk of the volume is taken up with a consideration

of the Greenbacker and Populist movements. A brief account of the Insurgent movement and the Progressive party is given in the final six chapters but one. A brief essay on social politics concludes the

volume.

Mr. Haynes's principal primary sources are the files of three or four Iowa newspapers and Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia. He refers to several magazine articles, as well as a number of secondary