as to its original form, he then changed to St. Paul. In time he drifted to the Austrian Netherlands, where, when the Seven Years' War broke out, he became an aide-de-camp to the Archduke Prince Charles of Lorraine, the governor of those provinces. In this capacity he passed in active service through the campaigns of 1757, 1758, and 1759. In the winter of 1759-60, being still in the Austrian service, he was assigned to Marshal Daun, and rose to the grade of colonel of cavalry. He afterwards lived in Vienna, where he remained till 1765. Meanwhile, he fell in with Lord Stormont, and having finally convinced the authorities in England that he was the victim of aggression, rather than the aggressor, in the duel above mentioned, and having thus obtained a pardon, he became secretary to the British Embassy at Paris, of which Lord Stormont was the head. In 1776, during a long absence of his lordship, he was promoted to the post of minister plenipotentiary for faithful and efficient service. Later in the same year he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary to Sweden, but, although he visited his new post, he eventually declined the mission for private reasons. During the wars growing out of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars he raised and commanded some troops in England for local defence. A narrative of his life runs through the volumes, but their pages are chiefly devoted to the publication of diplomatic correspondence, usually relating to questions in the discussion of which he took part, such as the controversy over Dunkirk, the affair of Senegal, and the interests of the British East India Company. There is also a full and extended report on the Spanish-Portuguese quarrel over their claims in South America. The correspondence thus published presents a lifelike picture of the diplomatic relations of the time, and contains much interesting historical matter.

In the younger universities of England such as Manchester, Birmingham and Liverpool there has grown up a new school of historical scholarship which is a product of modern English industrial democracy. It holds that the conventional political history is superficial and unsatisfactory, that it over-emphasizes parliamentary proceedings, governmental policies and the activities of leading statesmen and neglects the forces that really mould society-that it leaves most of the story of national development untold. It irsists that public opinion is more important than a division lobby and that it can best be studied from materials which have lain outside the sphere of traditional political history. Mr. George Stead Veitch, a lecturer at the University of Liverpool and a disciple of the newer school, has made an excellent study of the movement for parliamentary reform during the last half of the

eighteenth century, under the title of The Genesis of Parliamentary Reform (London, Constable and Company, 1913; xxxi, 397 pp.). It is true that various reform proposals were introduced into parliament during this period and that for a brief season even the government was sympathetic toward reform, but the movement was distinctively extraparliamentary. It centered in the propaganda of political societies and the writings of pamphleteers. In its organized form it may be said to date from the founding in 1769 of the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights and to end in 1799 when the political societies were crushed by the repressive measures adopted by the government. Mr. Veitch shows that the policy of Pitt's government toward the reformers was unjustifiable and unnecessary; but he shows also that it was genuinely popular. The progress of the French Revolution and the war between England and France hardened English opinion both for and against reform, and the vast majority of Englishmen decided that reform was an evil to the state and must be put down.

Eleven years ago Professor C. S. Terry, of Aberdeen, published his admirable study of the constitution and procedure of the Scottish Parliament, devoting himself in particular to the period from 1603 to the Union. It was the first history of the Parliament so long associated with Edinburgh, written by a Scotsman. The history of the Union of 1707 has now been written by another Scotsman; and chiefly from the Scottish point of view. Professor P. Hume Brown in The Legislative Union of England and Scotland (Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1914; xii, 208 pp.) bestows most of his attention on the political, ecclesiastical and economic conditions of Scotland at the time of the Union; on the proceedings of Parliament at Edinburgh leading to the Union; on the discontent in Scotland with the Union; and on the effects of the Union in Scotland. The book is based on new material that has been published since 1904-such as the papers of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, the Seafield Correspondence, the correspondence of the second Duke of Argyle, which was edited by the late Duke of Argyle and published in 1910; and also on unprinted contemporary documents in the British Museum and the Record Office. All this new material has been put to excellent service by Professor Hume Brown. The Union became a closed question in both Scotland and England just as soon as Scotsmen who were of the forty-five at Westminster learned to use the Scottish vote in the House of Commons in the interest of Scotland, and incidentally in the personal interest of the comparatively few electors to whom Scottish members of Parliament were responsible. But Professor Hume Brown's thesis is much wider than the actual

union. It is an enlightening study of many aspects of Scottish life at the time of the Union, which was a period of great crisis in the history of Scotland.

Even in war time there has been much speculation in London as to the authorship of The Record of Nicholas Freydon (New York, George H. Doran Company, n. d.; vii, 376 pp.) and as to whether the book is an autobiography or pure fiction. These are not the pages in which to continue this discussion. What is of significance here is that in the London chapters there are some of the most vivid descriptions of social conditions in the nearer and more squalid suburbs that have been written in the last half-century. The story of Freydon's migration when a boy from Chelsea to Australia and his return to England to make a place for himself in the world of journalism in London is of deep interest, whether autobiography or fiction. But what gives the book its chief interest, from the standpoint of sociology, is the earlier London portion descriptive of home conditions in some of the streets off Seven Sisters Road, South Tottenham, and in the neighborhood of Tottenham Court Road-neighborhoods in which there are families "whose weekly rental is far less than many a man spends on his solitary dinner in a club restaurant." Contrasting the lot of these people with the lot of more fortunate residents of London, the author writes:

There is no wider divergence between the lives of tigers and the lives of men than lies between the lives of English people whose homes in some quarters I could name are separated by no more than the width of a street, a mews, and it may be a walled strip of blackened grass and tree trunks.

There are, in London, regions of more squalor than those described in The Record of Nicholas Freydon, regions which are the abode of the criminal or destitute classes. But Nicholas Freydon's earlier period of struggle in London was lived among men and women who give what work is in them in return for the miserable home and social conditions that are so realistically described.

For many years Professor Haskins of Harvard University has been devoting himself to the study of the history of Normandy and the Normans, especially during the eleventh century. When therefore a book by him bearing upon this subject was at last announced, if one were to judge by the scholarly miscellany which had appeared in reviews from his pen previously, one might expect a ponderous, technical manual written for medievalists only. Instead of that, however, in his Normans in European History (Boston, Houghton Mifflin

Company, 1915; viii, 258 pp.) we have the charm of a genuinely human narrative, lightened by the play of humor and enriched by incident well told. To be sure there are passages that no casual reader is likely to appropriate, but the book is not for him anyway. It is written for those who will be glad to have cleared up, as they go along, the judgment of reliable and recent scholarship upon the structural problems of law and administration and questions of origins of devices destined to be vital for the national state. The fact that these chapters were delivered as lectures may perhaps have helped in the formulation of them for the general reader; in any case, so easily does the narrative run, upon the whole, that one is not likely to be fully aware of the scope of the field covered, the intricacy of it and the fact that this is the first attempt adequately to cover it upon the basis of a scientific treatment of the sources. It may not be out of place to add a special word of commendation for the delightful description of Normandy with which the book opens.

India under Curzon and After (New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1911; xi, 496 pp.), by Mr. Lovat Fraser, furnishes a narrative, more or less controversial in character, of Lord Curzon's career as viceroy of India, and justifies the various acts of his administration. As the eventual judgment of the British government on some of those acts, including perhaps the most important of them all-the partition of Bengal-was unfavorable, and as perhaps the next most important act-the expedition to Tibet-is not understood to have been a success, it seems only just that the case for his lordship should be fully stated. This is done by Mr. Fraser with ability and with an entire mastery of details. Lord Curzon certainly did not spare himself; but his disposition personally to do everything, even, as Mr. Fraser tells us, to the extent of refusing to dictate to an amanuensis, no doubt accounts in large measure for the general belief that he sometimes relied overmuch on his own judgment in matters concerning which his information was not sufficiently comprehensive and on which longer reflection might have been advantageous.

Mr. H. Mitchell's The Grange in Canada (Kingston, Ont., The Jackson Press, 1914; 20 pp.) is the only history of the subject. The Grange prospered in Canada from 1872 to 1896. In these years it was well-established in Ontario, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, and during the later part of this period it obtained a foothold in Manitoba. For a while it exercised much influence in politics, especially in the provincial politics of Ontario. Then there came a collapse, largely due to lack of success in several manufacturing and commercial enter

Mr.

prises that were started under the auspices of the Grange. Mitchell's history, though brief, has been written with much care. bears evidence of faithful research over quite a wide area; and it is of peculiar interest and value at this time when the grain growers' movement in Canada beyond the Great Lakes is exercising such obviously potent influence on legislation at Ottawa, and on the policies of the provincial governments at Winnipeg, Regina and Edmonton. The first of the grain growers' associations was established at Indian Head, Saskatchewan, in 1901. At the end of 1915 there were 60,000 members in the grain growers' associations of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta; and, through companies organized within these associations, two quite different plans of government-aided public ownership of country elevators have been on trial since 1910. There was a gap between the collapse of the grange movement and the establishment of the first grain growers' association. It is conceded in the prairie provinces, however, that it was the Grange and the Patrons of Industry that taught Canadian farmers the value of organization and how to organize. A scholarly study of what the Grange accomplished and why it collapsed is therefore today helpful to an understanding of the grain growers' movement-a movement, it may be added, that is worth watching, for it has already achieved much more at Ottawa and in the provincial legislatures than any popular movement since the days of the United Provinces.

The issue for 1914 of The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs (Toronto, The Annual Review and Publishing Company, Ltd., 1915; 803, 51 pp.), by J. Castel Hopkins, cannot fail to be of even wider service than any issue since The Review was first published in 1901; for 352 of the 803 pages are devoted to the war. What may be described as the war section is divided into four chapters: the Coming of the World War, the British Empire in the War, Canada and the World War, and Conduct and Chronology of the War. Obviously the most valuable of these chapters are the second and the third. Much of the material in the first and fourth chapters is accessible in other publications; but in no other survey of the year, no matter how full or detailed, is there as comprehensive a history of the part of all the oversea dominions of the British Empire in the early stages of the war. Sections covering other of the oversea dominions than Canada are an innovation in the book; but to include these sections was an excellent idea which has been admirably carried out by Mr. Hopkins. It is to be hoped that this feature will be continued in the issue for 1915; for it is desirable that there should be a book, accepted as an authority,