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MR. DISRAELI'S PHILIPPIC.

469

who had tried the experiment of importing sentiment into politics, and applying the ideas of mediævalism to the questions of the day. Mr. Disraeli had already acquired a position in the House by his remarkable debating power and his epigrammatic fertility, and had won the suffrages of the literary world by several novels of indisputable ability and freshness. On this occasion he delivered a Philippic against the Government, which exceeded in bitterness any of his former efforts. After saying that Sir Robert Peel had sent down his valet Mr. Sydney Herbert) to say, in the genteelest manner, "We can have no whining here," he continued:-" Protection appears to be in about the same condition that Protestantism was in 1828. The country will draw its moral. For my part, if we are to have free trade, I, who honour genius, prefer that such measures should be proposed by the honourable member for Stockport (Mr. Cobden), than by one who, through skilful parliamentary manœuvres, has tampered with the generous confidence of a great people and of a great party. For myself I care not what may be the result. Dissolve,

if you please, the Parliament you have betrayed, and appeal to the people who, I believe, mistrust you. For me there remains this at least-the opportunity of expressing thus publicly my belief that a Conservative government is an organized hypocrisy." Such a declaration as this was rightly regarded as an indication that the extreme Protectionists had lost all confidence in the Peel Ministry, and saw plainly that the tendency of their measures was in a Free Trade direction.

470 LORD FOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.

The next episode originated in a motion by Mr. Ward, diametrically opposed in spirit and intention to Mr. Miles's agricultural jeremiad. He wanted an inquiry into the burdens and exemptions of the landed interest on the ground that it enjoyed unfair advantages. The Government, however, showed him no more favour than it had shown to Mr. Miles; and his motion was rejected by 182 to 109. On the 10th of June, Mr. Villiers brought forward his annual motion for the abolition of all duties on corn. It was dismissed by 254 to 122; but Sir James Graham, in the course of debate, emphatically expressed his conviction that the prosperity of the landed interest could not be separated from that of any other interest; and that the national welfare demanded a gradual abandonment of protection. Lord John Russell submitted to the House a series of resolutions which embodied a kind of political manifesto. They failed to elicit any national enthusiasm, though they advocated the abolition of all protective duties; a revision of the laws affecting parochial settlements; a systematic plan of colonization; and a further extension of religious and moral education.* In supporting them, Lord John declared that he could no longer recommend the fixed duty of 8s. on corn, which he had proposed in 1841. He thought that no one would propose a lower duty than 48.; for himself, he should propose one of 4s., 58., or 68. The Anti-corn Law League rejoiced exceedingly; for it felt that the battle had been won. Its long series of meetings, lectures, and pamphlets had not missed the

* Molesworth, ii. 218.

A BUSY SESSION.

471

mark. It was evident that the Whig leader, on very slight pressure, would give up his 4s. duty as he had given up his 8s. duty; that, in a word, he was prepared to compete with Sir Robert Peel, at the earliest opportunity, for the repeal of the Corn Laws.

The Royal Speech on the prorogation of Parliament (August the 9th) was the "last thoroughly cheerful speech," remarks a contemporary historian,* which the nation was to enjoy for some time. It enumerated, among the successful labours of a busy session, Irish Education, British Railways, fiscal reforms, the amendment of the Poor Law of Scotland, the promotion of the Drainage of Land and Enclosure of Commons, and the extension of the provisions of the Bank Act of 1844, with suitable modifications, to the Banks of Scotland and Ireland. "The prevailing impression of those who watched the course of parliamentary affairs was, that the disintegration of parties was proceeding more and more rapidly as the commercial element rose above the agricultural; and that from this change there could be no rest or pause till the agricultural interest had obtained that freedom, and consequent stimulus and intelligence, which had caused the expansion of interests that were erroneously considered to be antagonistic." There were no signs of weakness, however, in the Minister's position. The Protectionist Irreconcilables and the Young England guerillas were as powerless to shake it as the Whig line of battle. The commercial and manufacturing classes, and, indeed, the great body of the people, confided

* Martineau, ii. 673.

472

BEGINNING TO RAIN.

in the Minister's sagacity, his plenitude of resource, and his administrative capacity. The nation felt that it was well governed. It admired the skill with which the Minister's measures were prepared, and the firmness with which they were conducted through the legislature. It was conscious that every session the work of reform was advancing; that every session saw some abuse rooted up, some grievance redressed, some improvement effected in the social and moral condition of the masses. And it gave its heartiest support to the statesman, who, at the cost of an occasional sacrifice of early convictions and personal associations, was steadfastly and loyally accomplishing a work so noble.

"Meantime, it had begun to rain." Well; in this was nothing wonderful. How could bad weather affect one of the strongest Governments England had ever seen? Unfortunately this proved to be no ordinary rain, no ordinary bad weather, either in its duration or its consequences. In some parts of the country summer came not, nor autumn; from the beginning of June until the spring of 1846 the sun was scarcely seen. In due time it became certain that the corn harvest would be sadly deficient, and that to supply the deficiency large quantities of foreign wheat must be imported. To the champions of Free-trade it seemed as if Providence were fighting on their side. By-and-by more serious intelligence than even the poorness of the corn harvest disturbed the thoughts of Ministers. "First, a market-gardener here and there, a farmer, an Irish cottier, saw a brown spot appear on the margin of the leaf of the potato, and did not remember ever to

THE IRISH POTATO FAMINE.

473

have seen such a thing before. The brown spot grew black and spread, and covered the stalk, till a whole potato-field looked as if a scorching wind had passed over it, yet, perhaps, the roots might appear to be in a good state; and one man would let the plants alone, while another would mow off the tops, and wait to see what happened. The stealthy rain had, by some means yet as mysterious as ever, generated some minute plague -of what nature nobody yet knows, if, indeed, it is certain that the rain was the instrument,-a plague so minute that no microscope has yet convicted it, yet so powerful that it was soon to overthrow Governments, and derange commerce, and affect for all time the political fate of England, and settle the question of the regeneration or the destruction of Ireland. The minute plague spread and spread till it blackened thousands of acres, and destroyed the food of millions of men." Sir Robert Peel, who knew something of Ireland, and whose intuitive perceptions were of the rarest order, recognized at once that his Ministry were called upon to face the dangers and difficulties of an Irish potato famine. It was a great advantage that he saw and appreciated the full extent of the emergency, for this was the primary condition of successfully grappling with it. He understood that the calamity against which he and his colleagues were called upon to guard was little less than the starvation of a people; and that he early foresaw the character of the measures to be adopted, we learn from a letter which he addressed, on the 13th of October, to Sir James Graham: "I have no confidence in such remedies as the prohibition of exports or the stoppage

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