PEEL AND COBDEN.

457

and Sir James Graham. They admitted without reservation the general principles of Free-trade, while arguing for a continuance of protection to agriculture, on the ground of the many important interests which were connected with it. It was abundantly clear that they sympathised with the advocates of Free-trade, to the full extent even of the opinions of Messrs. Cobden and Bright, and differed from them only, or chiefly, on the question when and how it should be developed. Sir Robert Peel was determined to move cautiously; to make sure of his ground as he advanced; and to accustom all classes to the changes that were impending. A personal episode in the debate on Lord Horwick's motion must not be omitted. On the 21st of January, Mr. Drummond, Sir Robert Peel's confidential secretary and friend, was fired at and mortally wounded on his way from Charing Cross to Whitehall, by a man named McNaughten, whose insanity was afterwards fully ascertained. It was known that the assassin had mistaken his victim for the Premier, on whose mind, therefore, the incident naturally made a deep impression. In the course of debate, the great Free-trade Apostle, Mr. Cobden, repeating an expression he had already used out of-doors, asserted that he held the Prime Minister "individually responsible" for what might happen. Sir Robert, profoundly hurt, and much excited, sprang to his feet, and amid vehement Ministerial cheers, seized upon the phrase, which he denounced as holding him up as a mark for the pistol of the assassin. Mr. Cobden vainly endeavoured to disavow the interpretation, and to reject an imputation which was insulting to his character.

458

CONDITION OF IRELAND.

The House would not hear him. Before the conclusion of the debate, however, he found his opportunity; and the explanation he offered was accepted by Sir Robert.

A Factory Bill was the principal legislative measure of the session. As originally drawn, it embodied a Government scheme of education for the working classes; but this was met with so much ungenerous hostility by the Dissenters that the Government withdrew it. The clauses regulating the employment of women and children in factories proposed to reduce the working day to twelve hours, Lord Ashley attempted to limit it to ten hours, but failed.

The year 1843 added no great measures to the Statute Book, and was illustrated by no important financial reforms. Yet it greatly strengthened the prestige and reputation of the Peel Administration, since it recorded. the collapse of the Irish agitation. Between O'Connell and Sir Robert Peel no truce was possible from the first. The Minister was neither to be cajoled nor bullied. He needed no Irish support; he would accept of no compromise; he would make no conditions. The agitator, driven to the alternative of battle or surrender, chose the former, and set on foot an association for obtaining a repeal of the Act of Union, which spread its ramifications over all Ireland. That he ever supposed it possible to obtain repeal we do not believe. More probably he hoped to terrify England into some additional concession, the extent of which, perhaps, he had not very clearly defined even to himself. He conducted his agitation, however, with consummate ability, and with a wonderful control over the excitable Irish peasantry,

O'CONNELL'S MONSTER MEETINGS.

459

whom he continually stimulated to the verge of rebellion, without suffering them to take the fatal and irrevocable leap. It must be owned that Sir Robert Peel met him with equal ability, carefully refraining from any exercise of power which could justify a revolutionary movement on the part of the Irish people, and patiently biding his time to strike a blow at the agitation which should effectually check it.

One of its most alarming features was the "monster meetings" which O'Connell assembled, generally on some scene of historic or legendary interest, such as the Hill of Tara and the Field of Clontarf; for the effect of these was to influence the national imagination, and induce in the mind of the people a conviction of their irresistible strength, which was not less erroneous than their belief in the tyrannical character of the English Government. It was always to be feared that any exciting language and "patriotic " ballads might urge the people to some sudden outbreak, which not even O'Connell and the Roman Catholic priests could prevent. Men, there fore, contemplated in amazement the apathy with which Sir Robert Peel and his Cabinet apparently viewed these proceedings. They did not yet understand the great Minister's character; the power that was always latent in him, and the patience with which he waited for his opportunity.

At length "the uncrowned king," as O'Connell's flatterers called him, summoned a "monster meeting" for the 8th of October, to be held at Clontarf, where the native Irish had once gained a victory over the Danes. It was intended as a supreme demonstration, and the

460

INTERFERENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT.

most assiduous preparations were made to ensure its success. Sir Robert saw that the time had come for striking, and on the 7th of October, the day before the meeting, a proclamation from the Lord-Lieutenant in Council was suddenly issued, prohibiting the assemblage, and denouncing it as the work of factious and seditious men. The blow was effectual. O'Connell was not prepared to risk a collision with the Government, knowing there could be but one result. He therefore issued placards countermanding the meeting, and a large number of Repealers were stationed on the approaches to Clontarf to turn back all comers. Early next morning the main strength of the Dublin garrison was so skilfully dispersed on the field, that all who arrived found themselves compelled to "move on" between a double line of soldiers. There were no hustings, for they had been removed in the night, and there was no Daniel O'Connell. But in his place stood Thomas Steele, "Head Pacificator on Ireland," waving a green bough as an emblem of peace, and shouting frantically, "Home, home, home!"*

O'Connell now declared that this was to have been the last meeting, and that the act of the Government in forbidding it was base and imbecile. The Government had good reason to know, however, that the agitator would not and could not have stopped at the Clontarf demonstration. In truth, he had raised a monster whom he found it, as Frankensteins always do, exceedingly difficult to manage. And probably he had as much reason to be grateful, as his deluded followers had, for the

6

* Annual Register,' 1843, p. 234; Martineau, ii. 568.

ARREST OF O'CONNELL.

461

firmness which checked him and them before disorder had ripened into insurrection. In England the public were highly gratified by the vigour and prudence of the Government; and their gratification was not diminished when the first blow was followed up by another, and a still more effectual one. On the 14th of October, Mr. O'Connell, and eight of his coadjutors, including his son, Mr. John O'Connell, were arrested, and held to bail, on charges of conspiracy, sedition, and unlawful assembling. The bubble was now pricked completely, and burst. The "uncrowned King" who had so long indulged in the most violent demonstrations and tickled the ears of an ignorant peasantry by the most blatant rhetoric, now roared as gently as any sucking dove. He entreated the people to keep the peace, to obey the laws; he declared that if it gave offence he would never more use the once favourite epithet of "Saxon." It is the most laughable and yet painful fiasco in history--this humiliation of the great agitator. No wonder that thenceforth his health began to fail, for he could not but be aware of the contemptuous judgment history would pass upon his conduct.

We have no space to follow up the details of the law proceedings that followed. After a trial of extraordinary duration, which the accused had protracted by adopting every expedient that legal ingenuity could suggest, O'Connell and his companions were found guilty on all or some of the terms of the indictment (February 12th, 1844), sentenced to various terms of imprisonment and fines, and required to give securities for keeping the peace. Mr. O'Connell's fine was £2000; his term of