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was preparing to leave the kingdom, and had designed Lord Clanrickard for his deputy, “ he permitted,” says the Earl of Orrery,' “ all those worthy protestants, who, till then, had served under him, to come off to the rest of the protestants, though then headed by Ireton himself, esteeming them fafer with that real regicide, so accompanied, than with those pretended antiregicides, fo principled.” How these (as he is pleased to call the confederates) pretended antiregicides were principled, with respect to his majesty's service, fufficiently appears from what has been already related.* Nor, indeed, was Ormond himself unconscious, that both their attachment to his majesty, and opposition to these rebels, were real and permanent. For when upon a + former occasion, he solicited leave from the English parliament, to transport five thousand foot, and five hundred horsemen, together with himself, out of the kingdom into France, in order to obtain their consent, he observed," " that it would be a sure means of ridding their partizans in Ireland of many unsure friends among the king's party, as well as many certain enemies among the Irish;" and thereby facilitate the reduction of the kingdom to their obedience. Thus were many of those protestant forces, under his excellency, whom he calls the king's party, acknowledged by himself to be friends to the English rebels, though unsure, and the confederate Irish catholics to be their certain enemies.
By this great accession of forces, permitted to these real regicides, the ruin of Ireland was quickly completed. Such permission, however, was perfectly consonant to his excellency's former agreement in 1647, when he delivered up all his power and authority to the
3 Answer to Walsh.
+ In the year 1647 . s Cart. Orm. vol. i. fol. 603.
a“ It may be (says P. Walsh) that the Earl of Orrery himself is a witness beyond all exception, that the Irish catholics were the last in the three kingdoms that laid down their arms, and gave over fighting for the royal cause." Reply to a Person of Quality, p. 50.
same party. And in fact, had any comment been wanting to explain the motives of that agreement, this permission would be a very full, and clear one ; for, as the same Lord Orrery observes, and seems to appeal to Ormond himself, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, for the truth of the whole passage, “ certainly, he esteemed those less ill, to whom he sent his friends, than thofe from whom he sent them;" and consequently, was more solicitous for the interests and success of the former, than for those of the latter; which, surely, was besides, an unpardonable imposition on his truly noble friend, the Marquis of Clanrickard; with whom in appearance, he left the government of the kingdom, but in reality, by that permission, deprived him of the means of defending and preserving it.
Treaty with the Duke of Lorrain. DISTRESSED as the confederate catholics now werė, and deferted by all the protestant forces of the kingdom, their fidelity and zeal for his majesty's service remained unaltered. While the general assembly was still fitting at Loughrea, very favourable offers of accommodation were sent them by the regicides, which they not only rejected, but they also prevailed on the deputy' to issue a proclamation, declaring all those of their communion, guilty of high treason, and punishable with death, who should aid or assist them; and such as were already with them, and did not quit their service in fourteen days, were, by the same proclamation, made liable to the fame punishment. The bishops likewise, present in that assembly, denounced excommunication againit all catholics, who either served under the regicides, or entered into any treaty of pacification with them.
Orrery, ubi fupra.
Cart. Orm. vol. ii. fol. 144.
Yet loyal as this perseverance of the Irish clergy was, (not leffened by the daily desertions of the protestant royalists, or by the increasing power and success of the regicides,) it has not hindered party-malice to suggelt, that they were, even at this juncture, instilling such sentiments into the minds of their people, as were utterly incompatible with their allegiance to the king, or due fubmission to his lieutenant. « The Irish,” we are told, “ had still as much of Ireland in their power, as could maintain a war against all the English rebels there ; that his excellency the Marquis of Clanrickard, had argument enough to hope, if he could be confia dent of the union of the nation ; that he might have reasonably promised himself an union of the nation, if he could have been confident of the affection and integrity of the clergy ; but that the greatest part of the Irish ecclefiaftics had no mind to have any relation to the English nation, and as little to return to their obedience to the crown; that it was by the advice and influence of these ecclesiastics, that the confederate catholics were first inclined to treat with the English rebels for conditions; and that afterwards, such offers were made to the Duke of Lorrain by commissioners of their chufing, as in effect transferred the whole right and fovereignty of that kingdom to his high
But, besides what has been already related of the temper, and disposition of these ecclefiastics, and of the ftate of the nation at that dismal juncture, the whole of this charge is incontestably proved to be false, from that
state of his majesty's affairs, and the condition of his faithful subjects in Ireland, which the Marquis of Clanrickard himself transmitted to the Marquis of Ormond, on occasion of the above-mentioned treaty with the Duke of Lorrain."
For therein his lordship sets forth,4 « that the power and success of the rebels were fuch, as that the whole
3 Clarend. Borl. Irish Rebel. fol. 339.
* Clanrick. Mem. Dub. ed. p. 56.
nation was in their possession, or subject to their contribution, except the province of Connaught, and county of Clare, his majesty's city of Limerick, and town of Galway ; and that the said province of Connaught, and county of Clare were, for the most part, waste;
that the inhabitants thereof were utterly impoverished ; that no considerable forces could be brought together to maintain a defensive war against the rebels, much less an offensive; that the city of Limerick, and town of Galway had of a long time, out of a feeling sense they had of their own destruction, been inclined to treat for conditions with the rebels ; that the same was the resolution of most of the other people of Ireland, who could not humanely see how they could be otherwise preserved ; and that many of the officers of his majesty's army did, from several parts of the kingdom, represent their sense that it was absolutely necessaту for the people's preservation to treat with the rebels for conditions, seeing there was no power to resist them.”
From hence it is manifest, that whatever inclination these deserted Irish had to treat with the rebels, was not at all owing to the advice, or influence of their clergy; but naturally arose from that irremediable distress, to which they then found themselves reduced, and from the dismal prospect of its daily increase, until it should end in their total destruction.
“ But no fooner," proceeds Lord Clanrickard, “ had these Irish understood, that the Duke of Lorrain's ambassador had arrived in Ireland, with offers of powerful assistance for the preservation of the catholic
s Clanrick. Mem. Dub. ed. p. 56.
* Yet Clarendon himself, in the account of his own life, contradicts all this. For he there says, “ thrat when the success of the parliament had totally subdued the king's arms, and himself was lo inhumanly murdered, neither the forces in Ireland under the king's authority, nor the Irish, who had too late submitted to it, could make any long resistance ; so that Cromwell quickly dispersed them by his own expedition thither.” Vol. ii. p. 14.
Cromwell invaded Ireland in August 1649, and remained there but about eight months.
religion, and of his majesty's subjects interests, than they took much comfort and encouragement thereby, hoping that the rebels power might be opposed. And soon after, the towns of Limerick and Galway, and all other places, yet in his majesty's obedience, seemed more chearfully than before, to assist his majesty's authority in opposing the rebels ; and to disavow and disclaim any treaty with them, though formerly inclined, if not resolved."
Upon this change in the temper of the people, the deputys “ authorised some of the Roman Catholic prelates, and commissioners of trust, to treat with the faid embassador ; who being accordingly called together, with several officers of the army, after a long and serious debate, weighing the unavoidable danger the nation was in of falling into the hands of the rebels, did therefore advise, that it was absolutely necefsary to accept of his faid highness's protection. But the said embassador's propositions being such, as Lord Clanrickard could not consent to, the treaty and conclusion for farther supplies, were put over to be determined by his highness, or such as he should depute, and by such as should be authorised by the deputy in his majesty's behalf.”
Tlis lordship concludes with his own opinion upon the then situation of affairs, thus : “ It is very evident, how great the evils are that will happen, if immediately great aids are not hastened to this nation ; for the kingdom will, by the foreflowing thereof, be entirely in the enemy's power and possession, and the people universally enforced to submit unto them.”