in our own times; and we humbly offer it to your most equitable and princely confideration, that we do not reft the proof of our fincerity on words, but on things; on our dutiful, peaceable fubmiffive behaviour for more than four-fcore years and though it will be confidered as too fevere to form any opinion of great bodies, by the practice of individuals, yet if in all that time, amongst all our people, in the daily increase of fevere laws against us, one treasonable infurrection, or one treasonable confpiracy can be proved; if amongst our clergy, one feditious fermon can be fhewn to have been preached; we will readily admit that there is good reason for continuing the prefent laws in all their force against us but if, on the contrary (we fpeak in full confidence) it can be fhewn, that our clergy have ever exerted their utmost endeavours to enforce fubmiffion to your majesty's government, and obedience to your laws; if it can be fhewn that these endeavours have always been most strenuous in times of public danger, or when any accident tended to create a ferment amongst the people; if our laity have frequently offered (what we are always ready to fulfil) to hazard their lives and fortunes for your majefty's fervice; if we have willingly bound up the fruits of our difcouraged industry with the fortune of your majefty's government in the public loans; then we, humbly hope, we may be admitted to a small portion of mercy, and that that behaviour, which your majefty's benignity and condefcenfion will efteem a merit in our circumftances, may entitle us, not to reward, but to fuch toleration as may enable us to become ufeful citizens to our country, and fubjects as profitable, as we are loyal to your majesty. Permit us, moft gracious fovereign, on this occafion, to reiterate the affurances of our unfhaken loyalty, which all our fufferings have not been able to abate; of our fincere zeal for your majesty's fervice, of our attachment to the constitution of our country, and of our warmest gratitude for your majefty's continual U 2 tinual indulgence, and for the late inftance of favour we have experienced from parliament, in enabling us, confiftent with our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our fentiments upon these points. And we humbly hope, that the alacrity and eagernefs with which we have feized this firft, though long wished opportunity of testifying, in the most folemn and public manner, our inviolable fidelity to your majesty, our real principles, and our good-will and affection towards our fellow fubjects; will extinguifh all jealoufies, and remove thofe imputations, which alone have hitherto held us forth in the light of enemies to your majesty, and to the ftate. And if any thing farther can be fuggefted or devifed, whereby we can by our actions, more fully evince our fincerity, we fhall confider fuch an opportunity of demonftrating our real loyalty, as an high favour, and fhall be deficient in no act whatever, which does not amount to a renunciation of that religious profeffion which we value more than our lives, and which it cannot be fufpected we hold from obftinacy or a contempt of the laws, fince it has not been taken up by ourselves, but has, from time immemorial, been handed down to us from our ancestors. We derive no small confolation, most gracious fovereign, from confidering, that the most severe and rigorous of the laws against us had been enacted before the acceffion of your majefty's illuftrious houfe to the throne of these kingdoms: we therefore indulge the more fanguine hopes, that the mitigation of them, and the establishment of peace, industry and univerfal happiness, amongst all your loyal fubjects, may be one of the bleffings of your majesty's reign. And though we might plead in favour of fuch relaxation, the express words of a folemn treaty, entered into with us, by your majesty's royal predeceffor, king William, (which has been forfeited by no difobedience on our part) yet, we neither wish, nor defire, to receive any thing, but as a mere act of your majesty's clemency, and of the indulgence and equity of your parliament. That That this act of truly royal beneficence and justice, may be added to the other inftances of your majefty's auguft virtues, and that the deliverance of a faithful and diftreffed people, may be one of thofe diftinguishing acts of your reign, which fhall tranfmit its memory to the love, gratitude and venerationof our latest posterity, is the humble prayer of, &c. &c. Fingall Dillon Kenmare Cahier Trimbleston Valentine Brown Thomas Dillon Richard Talbot Charles White Robert Caddell N. Deafe John White John Baggot Robert French Edward Faneftall And above three hun- Having given a brief account of the state of the catholics of this kingdom fince the revolution to the present time, groaning under the oppreffive weight of the popery laws: I fhall now conclude with the following extract from the observations of that judicious and impartial writer, Mr. Young, on the State of Ireland; and leave the candid and unprejudiced reader to judge of the cruel treatment and long sufferings of these people. of "It is no fuperficial view I have taken of this matter in Ireland, and being at Dublin at the time a very trifling part thefe laws was agitated in parliament, I attended the debates, with my mind open to conviction, and auditor for the mere purpose of information: I have converfed on the subject with fome of the moft diftinguished characters in the kingdom, and I cannot after all but declare that the fcope, purport, and aim of the laws of discovery as executed are not against the catholic religion which encreases under them, but against the induftry, and property of whoever profeffes that religion. In vain has it been faid, that confequence and power follow property, and that the attack is made in order to wound the doctrine through its property. If fuch was the intention, I reply, that feventy years experience prove the folly and futility of it. Thofe laws have crufhed all the induftry, and wrested most of the property from the catholics; but the religion triumphs; it is thought to encrease. Those who have handed about calculations to prove a decrease, admit on the face of them that it will require FOUR THOUSAND YEARS to make converts of the whole, fuppofing that work to go on in future, as it has in the past time. But the whole pretence is an affront to common fense, for it implies that you will leffen a religion by perfecuting it all history and experience condemn such a propofition. The fyftem purfued in Ireland has had no other tendency but that of driving out of the kingdom all the perfonal wealth of the catholics, and prohibiting their industry within it. The face of the country, every object in fhort which presents itself to the eye of a traveller, tells him how effectually this has been done. I urge it not as an argument, the whole kingdom speaks it as a fact. We have seen that this conduct has not converted the people to the religion of government; and instead of adding to the internal fecurity of the realm, it has endangered it: if therefore it does not add to the national profperity, for what purpose but that of private tyranny could it have been embraced and perfifted in? Miftaken ideas of private interest account for the actions of individuals, but what could have influenced the British government to permit a fyftem which must inevitably prevent the island from ever becoming of the importance which nature intended!" Young's Tour in Irel. vol. ii. p. 48-9. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. No. I. From the MSS. Trinity College, Dublin. A brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland; opening many Corruptions in the fame; difcovering the Difcontentments of the Irifhry; and the Caufes moving thofe expected Troubles: and fhewing Means how to establish Quietnefs in that kingdom honourably, to your Majefty's profit, without any encrease of charge. [Wrote in the government of Sir William Fitz-Williams, who was fix years lord deputy in Ireland; that is, from the year 1588 to the year 1594.] By Captain THOMAS LEE, 1594. Anno Regni Reginæ 37% To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. UNDERSTANDING, moft gracious fovereign, the proud and infolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do now stand upon, it maketh me bold to fet down my knowledge of those parts to your majefty, because I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they should yield unto your majesty; and that it was unmeet for them in any fort to condition with your highness: in the end (after long debating) they seemed fomewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as hereafter fhall appear. And because your majesty may the better judge the causes of their difcontentments, I have here fet down the unconfciable courses which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may fee your majefty doth no way allow of the fame, there is no doubt (notwithstanding all their proud fhews of disloyalty) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit which neither your majefty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had; fo as they may likewise have that which they demand, being nothing unfit for your majefty to grant. In which difcourfe, if any thing fhould feem unpleafing to your majefty, I humbly befeech you to pafs it over, and to peruse the reft, whereof I doubt not, but fomething will content your highness, for that it tendeth to your highness's fervice and commodity. My |