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he was beyond seas, that they betook themselves to, and withdrew themselves from the service of France and Spain, in such manner as his majesty signified his pleafure they should do. And (adds my author) if they had endel their speech here they would have done wisely.”, This made an impression on his majesty and many of the lords."

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Some reflections on the foregoing acts,

matters were now so strangely altered, that the very claiming the benefit of that peace, was made use of as an argument against their having any right to obtain it; is because,” says Mr. Carte,“ such claim was deemed a plain confession of former offences ;--in short the king ? now declared for an English interest

. to be established in Ireland ; and considered the settlement of that kingdom, rather as a matter of policy, than justice. He saw, that one interest or other must suffer, and he thought it most fit for the good of the nation, the advantage of the crown, and the security of the government, that the loss should fall upon the



9 Clarend. Life, vol. ii. p. 201. · Orm. vol. ii. Lel. ubi fupra.

10 Id. ib.
2 Carte, ib.

The preceding different conduct of these two parties is thus finely contrasted by that great genius and patriot, Dr. Jonathan Swift, Dean of St. Patrick's Dublin. “ Those insurrections (says he) wherewith the (Irish) catholics are charged from the beginning of the 17th century to the great English rebellion, were occasioned by many oppressions they lay under. They had no intention to introduce a new religion, but to enjoy the liberty of preserving the old; the very same which their ancestors professed from the time that christianity was first introduced into this ifland, which was by catholics ; but whether mingled with corruptions, as some pretend, doth not belong to the question. They had no design to change the government; they never attempted to t ght against, to imprison, to betray, to fell, to bring to a trial, or


The Duke of Ormond's consolatory argument, with respect to thefe despoiled people, in his speech to parliament on passing the first act of settlement, is somewhat remarkable. 3 " Those," says he, “ that fhall be kept out of their antient estates, the inheritance of their fathers, through the defect of their qualifications, and by the all-difpofing providence of God, who was not pleased to make them active instruments in this happy change, are delivered from tyrannous confinements, causeless imprisonments, and a continual fear of their lives. The good land lies 'afore them; their industry is at liberty, and they are restored to the freedom of sub


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Carte, vol. ii. Append. f. 25.

to murder their king. The schismatics acted by a spirit directly contrary: they united in a solemn league and covenant to alter the whole system of spiritual government, eftablished in all christian nations, and of apoftolic institution, concluding the tragedy with the murder of the king in cold blood, and upon mature deliberation; at the same time changing the monarchy into a commonwealth."

“ The catholics of Ireland in the great rebellion lost their estates for fighting in defence of their king; the schismatics, who cut off the father's head, forced the son to fly for his life, and overturned the whole antient frame of government, religious and civil, obtained grants of those very estates which the catholics loft in defence of the antient constitution, many of which estates are at this day poffessed by the posterity of those fchifmatics; and thus they gained by their rebellion what the catholics loft by their loyalty.” Swift's Works, Dub. ed. vol.

b Before the year 1641, “ the Irish (says Colonel Laurence) were proprietors of ten acres to one that the English had in Ireland ; but, after the act of settlement, these English were in possession, by that act, of four millions five hundred fixty thousand thirty-seven acres.--So that (adds my author) if the majority of proprietors may give the denomination to a country, which usually it doth, Ireland is become West England.” Interest of Irel. part ii. p. 50-51.

Mr. Walshi, who was better acquainted with the condition of the Irish before the acts of settlement took place, says, “ that the Roman catholics of Ireland were the lawful proprietors, and had been lately the poffeffors of nineteen parts in twenty of the lands of that kingdom." Reply to a Person of Quality, p. 145.

viii. p. 52.

je&s, and the protection of the laws; if an Irila papilt be opprest, they thall relieve him; if the blood of the meanest of them be thed, it shall be strictly enquired after. Let this state be compared with that they were in before the king's restoration, and it will be found that the greatest loser has got something." But all this cajoling amounts to no more than an oftentatious füpposition, that his grace's administration of Ireland was not altogether so unjust, tyrannous and bloody, as that of the regicides, his now favoured predecessors in the government of that kingdom. And the difference will appear still less, when it is considered that the innocent sufferers under Cromwell, had at least the comfort of a remote, but reasonable hope, that justice might be one day. done them on his majesty's restoration ; but of this, their only remaining prospect, they were then to. tally deprived, under Ormond, by this explanatory bill.

4 It will be difficult," 4 says a contemporary writer,

to persuade those who were not eye-witnesses of the fact, that the royal authority of a christian king, which in one part of his dominions maintained the peer in his dignity, the commoner in his birth-right and liberty ; which protected the weak from the opprelli. on of the mighty, and secured the nobility from the infolence of the people ; and by which, equal and impartial justice was distributed to all; should, at the same time, be made use of, in another part of his dominions, to condemn innocents before they were heard, to confirm unlawful and usurped possessions, to violate the public faith, to punish virtue, and countenance vice, to hold loyalty a crime, and treason worthy of reward ; in a word, to exempt so many thousands of faithful and deserving subjects, from a general pardon, which, by a mercy altogether extraordinary, vas extended to some of the murderers of his royal father!”

« Colonel Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, fufpecting the Duke of Ormond to have done ill offices


4 Sale and Settlement of Ireland.

s Cart. Orm. vol. ii.

to the Irish on this occasion, expostulated with his grace in fo huffing a manner, that it looked as if he meant to challenge him ; and his grace, waiting upon his majesty, he desired to know if it was his pleasure, at this time of day, that he should put off his doublet to fight duels with Dick Talbot ; for so he was usually called. Talbot hereupon, was sent to the tower, but after some time was released upon his submission.”

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A dangerous conspiracy of the puritans. THE consciousness of having done a wrong is ever attended with some fear of resentment from the party injured.' - Such was the Duke of Ormond's situation at this juncture, with respect to the despoiled Irish.' “ He had spies and intelligencers in every part of Ireland, who served him fo well, that there was not the least motion among them, but it came to his knowledge.” Complaints, indeed, that wretched privilege of fufferers, were heard from all parts; but no traces of a conspiracy, nor even endeavours for redress were any where discovered.

The case was very different with those rebellious sectaries, who had got possession of their estates. For upon the restoring of a few inno. cents, legally adjudged such, “ they conceived such


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a “ I confess (says Lord Arlington in a letter to Ormond ou this occafion) it will be a hard matter to be very secure of those who see their estates enjoyed by other men, till time hath accuftomed them to such digestion.” State Let. by Brown, p. 408.

“ This country (Ireland),” says the Earl of Effex, lord lieutenant in 1675, “ has been perpetually rent and torn since his majesty's restoration. I can compare it to nothing better, than the flinging the reward, upon the death of a dear, among a pack of hounds, where every one pulls and tears where he can for himself; for, indeed, it has been no other than a perpetual scramble:” State Lett. p. 334.

resentment against the government, for not having di. ! vided the spoil of the whole nation among them, that they entered into two dangerous conspiracies on that account ; first, in 1662, to surprise the castle of Dublin, and afterwards in 1665, for a more desperate purpose. For, at this latter period, there was a general design concerted in England, Ireland and Scotland, to rise at one time, and to set up the long parliament, of which above forty members were engaged. Measures had been taken to gather together the disbanded soldiers of the old Cromwellian army ; ¢ and Ludlow was to be general in chief. They were to rise all in one night, and to spare none that would not join in the design ; which was to pull down the king, with the house of lords ; and, insteads of bishops, to set up a sober, and painful ministry.” In these conspiracies several prefbyterian ministers, and seven members of the Irish parliament, were found to be engaged. The prisons of Dublin were crowded with these ministers; and the members of parliament were ignominiously expelled.


3 Orrery's State Lett. vol. i. p. 225. + Cart. Orm. vol. ii. s Com. Jour. vol. i.

6 Carte ubi supra. The Duke of Ormond, in order to quiet the fears of these rebellious sectaries, in a letter to the speaker of the Irish commons, March 9th, 1662, very pertinently reminds them, “that the support and security of a true protestant English interest, was the earnest desire of his majesty, and the assiduous endeavour of him his servant, would clearly appear, when it should be considered, how the council and parliament were composed ; and withal if it be remembered of whom the army consisted ; who were in judicature in the king's courts ; who were appointed by his majesty for executing the act of settlement, and who were in magistracy in the towns and counties; in which trusts, adds he, is founded the security, interests, and preference of a people." Com. Jour. vol. ii. f. 299. These were almost to a man, either notorious promoters or secret abettors of the late usurpation and regicide.

¢ «. Vast sums of money (says Lord Orrery) were levied for the carrying on this conspiracy, and they had corrupted the most part of the soldiers that were in any


these freeholds they were to surprize, and to put all that opposed them to the sword.” State Lett. vol. i. p. 225-6.

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