PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS April 2, 1917 WHEN the Germans invaded Belgium, Americans were appalled by the ruthless violation of treaties and of the principles of humanity and international law. The suddenness of the attack and the effects of unsuspected German propaganda, however, clouded the issues and made it seem uncertain what course of action ought to be followed. It seemed best to remain neutral. Accordingly early in August, 1914, President Wilson appealed to the American people in these words, “Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned." It is true that at this time there were Americans who fully appreciated the sublime heroism with which Belgium was holding back the foes of civilization, but the nation as a whole was not then ready for war. For years America had devoted herself to thoughts of peace. The military establishment of Germany had been looked upon with amusement, for it was a common American view that the last war in the history of the world had been fought. Very little was known about European politics and false statements made by German agents were easily believed. One-third of the population of the United States was foreign born and naturally as regards European affairs divided in their sympathies. In addition to the hundreds of thousands of German-Americans who were hostile to the Allies, there were numerous other persons who for one reason or another were unfriendly to England or France or Russia. Even some of those citizens who thought it our moral and political duty to take the side of Belgium advised in 1914 that America continue for a longer period its policy of neutrality since the American army was so poorly equipped and was so pitifully small. The situation, however, gradually changed. When through diplomatic means Germany had failed to prevent American firms from selling munitions to her enemies, she endeavored through paid agents and spies to initiate a campaign of violence in the United States by inciting strikes, encouraging sabotage, and dynamiting buildings. Although such actions on Germany's part naturally cost her many supporters, the feeling against her did not become intensely bitter until February, 1915, when in utter lack of regard for international law, Germany announced that she was about to use submarines to destroy, instead of capture, enemy merchant vessels on sight and to prevent neutrals from trading with England and France. Even this contempt for American rights, nevertheless, did not stir Americans so deeply as the growing conviction that England and France were fighting a battle for civilization. The cockneys of London, many of them miserable little men, had left their cabs and high stools in the offices, had sent their poorly nourished wives and children to the munition factories and the farms, and had gone to Ypres and the Somme and there had laid down their lives by thousands in support of the principles from which had grown the sweetness and light of American life. At Verdun the German hordes determined that France should be bled white and Prussians would hew a way to the west. With poison gas and bayonet, with shell and machinegun, they cut down division after division of French soldiers. The poilus blocked the roads with their bodies and the Germans did not pass. As the months went by it became clearer to most Americans that England and France were fighting our fight while we stood idly by. Meanwhile submarine activity was becoming more serious. After numerous vessels had been torpedoed with the loss of some American lives, the great liner Lusitania, carrying 1,918 men, women, and children, was sunk, May 7, 1915. Among the 1,154 passengers drowned were 114 Americans. So great was the horror and resentment created throughout the country by this act that probably a majority of United States citizens believed that the time had come when America should enter the war to help the Allies. President Wilson, however, still cherished the hope that if America remained neutral the United States might be the means of reconciling the contending powers and thereby saving endless suffering and millions of lives. The President's forbearance and patience were sorely tried when soon after the destruction of the Lusitania other ships were sunk without any effort to save passengers. His spirit can be compared only to that of Lincoln in the Civil War when resisting alike the taunts and slurs of radical abolitionists and the threats of Southern sympathizers, he waited with infinite patience until the time was fit before he issued his proclamation that the slaves were free. On January 31, 1917, the German government announced that the next day it would begin unrestricted submarine warfare of a far more ruthless character and would sink enemy and neutral ships alike if found in the proscribed zones. On February 3, 1917, the German ambassador at Washington was dismissed. On February 28, the Federal Secret Service made public the Zimmermann note in which Germany proposed to Mexico that she and Japan form a military alliance for the purpose of gaining territory from the United States. It was no longer possible for any American statesman, no matter how peace-loving, to defend these acts. At last the country was practically unanimous for armed resistance. In the world's history no nation able to protect itself had ever been more reluctant than the United States to relinquish a policy of peace and adopt a policy of war. Even under these circumstances German spies and sympathizers made a last effort to prevent action on the part of the United States. As Congress assembled in extraordinary session at the call of the President, an attempt was made by German propagandists to create the impression that many citizens were still opposed to America's taking the part of the Allies. On April 2, 1917, however, in the presence of both houses of Congress assembled in joint session, the President with calmness and dignity delivered what is probably the most momentous Message ever spoken by an American executive. MESSAGE TO CONGRESS April 2, 1917 WOODROW WILSON GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS: I have called the Congress into extraordinary session 1 because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made imme diately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible 2 that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coast of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable |