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lent, there was not a man in that house who would not attribute it to fear, paltry fear of losing his office and situation; he had, he confessed, heretofore protracted, postponed, palliated, and endeavoured to sooth that country from declarations or acts of extremity; his sentiments had been much misrepresented to his disadvantage; but he was not surprised or offended, that the nation, eager in the pursuit of a great and favourite object, should have considered any man who seemed to differ from them in sentiment, as an object of detestation and resentment. He thought it better, that every object of those British laws should be doomed to destruction, than that his country should longer even be supposed to be in a state of slavery; he therefore called the attention of the house to bear witness, that by holding a mysterious or equivocal silence longer upon the subject of right, he should do equal injury to the interests of Great Britain and Ireland. He did consequently, as a lawyer, a faithful servant to the crown, a well-wisher to both countries, and an honest Irishman, in the most unqualified, unlimited, and explicit manner, declare his opinion, that Great Britain had no right whatsoever to bind that country by any law; and that such acts as had been passed for that purpose in Great Britain, were founded in usurpation or the necessity and confusion of the times; that he never had a doubt upon the question of right, though from motives of prudence and a desire of peace, he had heretofore thought it necessary not to declare any opinion upon the question of right. Their conduct during the present American war, entitles them, he said, to more than they asked. Another event which had lately happened, and made it necessary for him to speak out, was Mr. Wallace's bill, offering freedom to America. This act operated as an act of pains and penalties to the loyalty of Ireland; for if America be declared free, and Ireland left in slavery, no man of either spirit, sentiment, or property, would remain in the country an hour after America should have been declared independent. Ireland would become the absolute sink of the universe, the only part of the British dominions, which could not boast the freedom of the British constitution. As the friend of Great Britain and Ireland, he thought it necessary to express these sentiments boldly; for if in his situation he were longer to continue silent, it might be thought in Great Britain, that there was yet a diversity of opinion in Ireland.

The situation of Ireland was now fairly brought under the full consideration of his majesty's servants;* and the necessary con

We are informed by Lord Clare (Sp. 33) that on the 6th of May the Duke of Portland wrote to Lord Shelburne, "recommending to the British cabinet "concession of all the points demanded by the Irish addresses," but " stating "his perfect confidence in the readiness of the Iish parliament to co-operate " in the most effectual measures either with the king's confidential servants, or by commissioners to be appointed, or through the medium of the chief gov

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sequence of it, was a proper sense of the spirit, strength, and importance of Ireland, and of the necessity of a cordial co-operation of the two countries for the prosperity of the British empire. By accord the whole powers of the state were brought to bear upon the point on the same day (17th May, 1782) in the houses of both parliaments. The Earl of Shelburne (now Marquis of Lansdown) in the British House of Peers moved to have the king's message, the addresses of the Lords and Commons of Ireland in return to it, and the 6th of George I. for the better securing the dependence of Ireland on the crown of Great Britain, read; and when they had been read, in a most liberal, instructive, and constitutional speech, he displayed the powers of the accomplished orator and statesman. He proposed to lay before their lordships his sentiments without the least reserve, to make a full discussion of one of the most important subjects that ever came before them, and to observe in that stage of the business that same open, frank, and strict conduct which he had ever observed in his communication with Ireland. It always had been, and it always should be the line of his conduct, to act openly and without disguise, trusting that as he spoke his own sentiments freely, and never should attempt to deceive parliament, other lords would express theirs with as little reserve; for he wished to invite an open discussion of great national questions. Ireland had demanded by the papers on the table, four things; the first and the most essential to them was a free constitution, which they would not be said to enjoy while they were subject to laws not made with their own consent. But this had long been a subject of complaint; and it was one of the great grievances required to be redressed by every part of the Irish in the war which began in 1640.

The claim had at all times been made, and now that Ireland was united, religious disputes all composed, growing in wealth and strength, and fast improving in all the arts of peace, it was impolitic, it would be unjust, and he believed he might appeal to their lordships' conviction, that it would be impossible to resist the claim: he should therefore move a repeal of the act he had desired to be read, which would give quiet and satisfaction to the

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ernor; to settle the precise limits of the independence which was required, "the consideration which should be given for the protection expected, and the proportion which it would be proper for them to contribute towards the "general support of the empire; in pursuance of the declaration contained in "the concluding paragraph of their own address, The regulation of the trade "would make a very necessary article of the treaty." This communication was made by the Duke of Portland before the claims of Ireland were brought into discussion in the British parliament: and plainly on the faith of this repre sentation made to the British cabinet, of the readiness on the part of Ireland to settle every question of imperial policy or regulation which might thereafter arise, the subject of the Irish claims was brought on in the British parliament.

minds of the Irish, and leave no cause to check the affection and zeal they felt for this country, whose fate they had declared themselves willing to share. There was in this act another matter, the judicature of the lords, which he was aware would be thought by some to be distinct from the legislature. It happened, that the two subjects were clearly connected in the act he had moved to repeal; the history of which he fully went into.

That was all he meant to propose, as matter of parliamentary decision; but there were other points for the executive power, which he did not mean to dissemble, for in all affairs he desired to be plain, open, and direct. The condition of the Irish parliament was singularly clogged by ancient statutes, framed for the times, and which, though softened by practice, were still a great check to their freedom. Their lordships would see he meant Poynings' law; of the unreasonableness and inconveniency of which he spoke very fully. The people of Ireland wished to be relieved from it, and either by a repeal, or a modification, he thought it was sound wisdom to comply with their desires. The perpetuity of the mutiny act was another subject of complaint, in which he thought, as it was a matter of internal regulation, it was just to comply with the desire of Ireland, that there should be no distinction between that country and Great Britain. He concluded with expressing his strong reliance on the affection and gratitude, which such fair and liberal concessions would excite, and strenuously urged the necessity of union at that moment with our sister kingdom, and that she might be made to feel in the language of our holy prayers, that our service is perfect freedom.

He concluded with reading two motions:

First, "That it was the opinion of that house, that the act of "the 6th of George 1. entitled An Act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain, ought to "be repealed."

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Second, "That it was the opinion of that house, that it was "indispensable to the interests and happiness of both kingdoms, "that the connexion between them should be established by mu "tual consent, upon a solid and permanent footing, and that an "humble address should be presented to his majesty, that his "majesty would be graciously pleased to take such measures as "his majesty in his royal wisdom should think most conducive "to that important end."

When he had moved the second,

The Earl of Carlisle, in an elegant speech, expressed his appro bation of the motions. He bore ample testimony to the zeal and loyalty of the Irish, and particularly stated the honourable conduct of the volunteers, and the liberal offers made of their service, when Ireland was threatened with an attack. He said, that had

he been more persuaded than he was, that Ireland had ever relinquished its right of free legislation, which he knew they neither had, nor could give up, he should still have thought it wise to accede to their claim; because he knew, that from the gratitude and affection of the country, and the wisdom of the parliament, much more advantage would arise to this country, than by maintaining any offensive and ill-founded pretensions to control over them.

Lord Camden, Lord Ashburton, the Dukes of Richmond and Chandos, and indeed the whole House of Peers eagerly assented to Lord Shelburne's motions, except Lord Loughborough (now Earl of Roselyn) who tenaciously opposed them; and he alone prevented them from passing Nemine Contradicente. *On the same day the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee upon the Irish addresses, when Mr. Fox, with his usual liberality, candour, and power, said, he would speak as plainly, as roundly, and intelligibly as he could. He considered the same four points, to which Lord Shelburne had confined the demands of Ireland, and spoke minutely to each: and first, on the 6th of Geo. I. it had always been his opinion out of office, that it was downright tyranny to make laws for the internal government of a people, who were not represented among those by whom such laws were made. This was an opinion so founded in justice, reason, and equity, that in no situation had he, or would he ever depart from it. Ireland had reason to spurn at the power of external legislation, because it had been hitherto employed for the purpose only of oppressing and distressing her. Had Ireland never been made to feel this power as a curse, she never would have complained of it; fatally for this country, the power of external legislation had been employed against Ireland as an instrument of oppression, to establish an impolitic monopoly in trade; to enrich one country at the expense of the other. When the Irish first complained of this monopoly, about four years ago, and asked as favours what they might have claimed as a right, they were opposed in that house, and their demands, which were no less modest than just, were disregarded. The demands were rejected, when the then first confidential servant of the crown came down to vote against them; the influence of the minister was exerted perhaps for the purpose of preserving a few votes on other occasions, and the rights and distresses of Ireland were consigned to oblivion.

It was his intention not to pursue the footsteps of his predecessors; and therefore he would agree to the demands of the Irish, relative to the 6th of Geo. I. not because he was intimidated, and

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afraid to oppose them; but because he believed them to be founded in justice; for his part he had rather see Ireland totally separated from the crown of England, than kept in obedience only by force; unwilling subjects were little better than enemies; it would be better not to have subjects at all, than to have such as would be continually on the watch, to seize the opportunity of making themselves free. If this country should attempt to coerce Ireland, and succeed in the attempt, the consequence would be, that, at the breaking out of every war with any foreign power, the first step must be to send troops over to secure Ireland, instead of calling upon her to give a willing support to the common cause. As the people of Ireland had one and all declared, that they would not execute or obey any order of any English tribunal, it would therefore be nugatory and absurd to maintain the appellant jurisdiction to Great Britain; and consequently it would be better to give it up with a good grace, than to keep it as a bone of contention between the two countries. He came next to the modification of the law of Poynings', which he was free to confess appeared to him improper: and therefore he could have no objection to advise his majesty to consent to the modification, that they required of that law; but he was convinced, that like the 6th of Geo. 1. this power of altering might have still remained, if an improper use had not been made of it; but to his knowledge. it had been grossly abused; in one instance in particular, a bill had been sent over to England two years ago, granting, and very wisely and very justly granting, indulgencies to the Roman Catholics; in that same bill there was a clause in favour of the Dissenters for repealing the sacramental test; this clause was struck out, contrary in his opinion, to sound policy, as the alteration tended to make an improper discrimination between two descriptions of men, which did not tend to the union of the people. was by such conduct, that the Irish were driven to pronounce the interference of the English privy council in altering their bills, a grievance, though in his opinion, the power would never have been complained of, if it had never been abused. He came lastly to the mutiny bill, and he freely confessed, that it was no matter of surprise, that the Irish should object to a clause which gave a perpetual establishment to a military force in their country; and so hostile did he deem such a clause to the constitution of England as well as of Ireland, that if the Irish had never mentioned this law among their grievances, he would have held it to be his duty, as an Englishman, to have recommended the repeal of it. Ireland had spoken out, and clearly and plainly stated what she wanted; he would be as open with her, and though he might perhaps have been better pleased, if the mode of asking had been different, still he would meet her upon her own terms, and give

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