Sandals. Sandals are represented on the feet of St. Matthew and St. John in the Book of Kells, and in the case of many other figures in carly Celtic MSS. They were worn at Iona, and were called 'calceus,' or 'calceamentum,' or 'fico,' all words frequently employed in the Lives of Celtic saints. Curiously-shaped slippers are to be seen on the feet of four ecclesiastics on a sculptured stone at St. Vigean's, to whom the Roman tonsure on their heads compels the assignation of a date subsequent to A.D. 7102. Caracalla. The ordinary outer dress of a British priest. was a long hair cassock called a 'caracalla.' This was worn by the priest Amphibalus, and assumed by St. Alban in exchange for his own clothes in order to facilitate the escape of the former. The ordinary outer cloak of a monk at Iona was called 'amphibalus5' or 'cuculla,' worn over a white under-dress, tunica candida' or 'pallium".' § 16. USE OF COLOURS.-It has been asserted that the assigning of special colours to certain seasons for sacerdotal vestments or altar coverings does not belong to the first eight centuries of Christianity. This is true as far as any Adamnan, Vit. S. Colum. ii. 13; iii. 12; Du Cange, sub voc. Stuart, J., Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. i. plate lxx; vol. ii. p. 8. For the possible origin of the name Amphibalus, which is not mentioned by Bede, see G. H. Moberly, edit. of Bede's H. E. p. 18. n. 7. 'Qui cum ad tugurium martyris pervenissent mox se sanctus Albanus pro hospite ac magistro suo, ipsius habitu, id est caracalla qua vestiebatur indutus, militibus exhibuit, atque ad judicem vinctus perductus est.' Bede, H. E. i. 7. But the caracalla was not an exclusively sacerdotal dress. Du Cange, Facciolati, sub voc Adamnan, Vit. S. Col. i. 3; ii. 6. Also in Britain: 'sub sancti abbatis amphibalo;' Gildae Ep., H. and S. i. 49. 'Amphibalus' was also, at least in Gaul, the Latin for a chasuble. Germani Paris. Epist. ii. in Martene et Durand. Thesaur. Anecd. tom. v. col. 99. Sulpicius Severus represents St. Martin as celebrating the Eucharist in an 'amphibalum;' Dial. ii. § 1. p. 545, Lugdun. Batav. 1647. • Adamnan, Vit. S. Col. ii. 24. 8 7 Ib. ii. 44. * Hefele, Beiträge zur Archaeologie, ii. 158. There is no allusion to any systematic sequence of colours in the earlier Ordines Romani, or in the writings of the earlier ritualists. The first reference to the regular Roman sequence of four colours is found in the works of Innocent III (1198-1216), De Myst. Missae, lib. i. cap. lxv, black being there substituted for violet. elaborate cycle of colours is concerned, such as is prescribed in mediaeval Missals and Rituals, but allusion to the ecelesiastical use in the Celtic Church of at least two colours has been preserved to us. Purple.-Gildas refers to the custom of covering the altars in British churches with purple palls1. The three choirs of saints which appeared to St. Brendan were clad in vestibus candidissimis jacinetinis purpureis' (Navigatio S. Brendani, eleventh century MS. Nat. Lib. Paris, No. 3784). St. Cuthbert was buried in a purple dalmatic A.D. 687, but this fact illustrates early Anglo-Saxon rather than Celtic usage2. In the legend of St. Mulling, as preserved in the Book of Leinster, an Irish MS. of the earlier half of the twelfth century, Christ is represented as appearing to that saint, in a vision vouchsafed to him in church, in a purple garment. Purple is very largely introduced into the earliest extant specimens of Celtic illumination, as in the Book of Kells, and into the later Irish MSS. at St. Gall'. A passage in Bede's works alluding to the ease with which a red or purple dye could be obtained from shells on the Irish coasts, at once explains and renders probable the preponderating ecclesiastical use of this colours. We have evidence of the use of purple altar-cloths-pallae-in the early Gallican Church. St. Germanus of Paris, c. A.D. 550, explains the use of this colour by referring to the mention of purple in 1 'Sub sancti abbatis amphibalo latera regiorum tenerrima puerorum inter ipsa, ut dixi, sacrosancta altaria, nefando ense hastaque pro dentibus laceravit, ita ut sacrificii coelestis sedem purpurea ac si coagulati cruoris pallia attingerent.' Gildae Epist. p. 37. 2. Christianorum more pontificum post haec tunica et dalmatica indutus est, quarum utrarumque genus ex pretioso purpurae colore et textili varietate satis venustum et permirabile est.' Reg. Dunelm. p. 87, Surtees Soc. 1835, and Bolland, Acta SS. Mart. xx. tom. iii. p. 140. 3 Reeves, W., British Culdees, p. 77. F. civ. Facsimiles of National MSS. of Ireland, plate viii, &c. 5 'Sunt et cochleae satis superque abandantes quibus tinctura coccinei coloris conficitur, cujus ruber pulcherrimus nullo unquam solis ardore, nulla valet pluviarum injuria pallescere. Sed quo vetustior est, solet esse venustior;' quoted in Ulster Journal of Archaeology, viii. 221, and in Keller's Bilder und Schriftzüge, p. 70. the Levitical account of the tabernacle1. St. Gregory of defence of the Tours, in the same century, mentions the Abbess of St. Radegund against the charge of cutting up one of these purple altar-coverings for a dress for her niece2. And the use of these purple altar-palls was perpetuated, like other British and Gallican customs, in the Anglo-Saxon Church3. White. The second colour, of the ecclesiastical use of which there is distinct mention, is white. It was the festal colour at Iona. Adamnan describes how white vestments were worn by St. Columba and his attendants on the occasion of the celebration in memory of Columbanus, as if it was a holy day. The same saint when dying before the altar at Iona was clothed in a white dress". White is the only colour referred to in the early Irish Canons, which order that the deacon at the time of oblation should be clad in a white vestment; whereas in a mediaeval Irish tract on the origin and meaning of colours in the mass-vestments, as many as seven colours are named, yellow, blue, white, green, red, black, purple". In this employment of white the custom 'Siricum (vid. Du Cange) autem ornatur aut auro vel gemmis quia Dominus Moysae in tabernaculo fieri velamina jussit ex auro jacintho et purpura coccoque bis tincto et bysso retorta.' Germani Paris. Expos. Brev. Antiq. Lit. Gall. * 'De reliquo vero quantum opportunum fuit ad ornatum altaris pallam condigne condiderit, et de illa inscissura quae pallae superfuit, purpuram nepti suae in tunica posuerit.' Gregorii Tur. Hist. lib. x. c. 16. * Altaria purpura et serico induta' are mentioned in Vita S. Wilfridi, c. xxi, ap. Mabillon, Acta Sanct. tom. v. A purple altar-cloth is depicted in the Benedictional of St. Æthelwold; Archaeologia, vol. xxiv. p. 116. Five purple altar-coverings were among the gifts of Bishop Leofric to Exeter Cathedral; Codex Dip. Anglo-Sax. iv. 275, &c. * Et his dictis fratres obsequuntur, et juxta Sancti jussionem, eadem ociantur die, praeparatisque sacris ad ecclesiam ministeriis, quasi die solenni albati cum sancto pergunt.' Adamnan, Vit. S. Columbae, c. 12. • 'Candida tunica qua in hora exitus indutus erat.' Cuminii Vit. S. Columbae, C. 26. • Diaconus tempore oblationis alba utatur veste.' Hibernensis, lib. iii. cap. 6. ▾ Buide, gorm, gel, uaie, dond, dg, dub, corcair. Leabhar Breac, fol. 108 a. For information about the mediaeval use of colours, the reader is referred to C. C. Rolfe, The Ancient Use of Liturgical Colours, Oxford, 1879. of the Celtic agreed with that of the early Gallican Church. In the fifth and sixth centuries white was recognised there as the festal, and especially as the Paschal colour. St. Remigius Bishop of Rheims, in his will A.D. 499, bequeathed to his successor his white Easter vestment1. Similar allusions are found in the case of St. Caesarius of Arles2, and of St. Gre gory of Tours3. St. Germanus of Paris c. 550 mentions the appearance of angels clad in white at the sepulchre as the symbolical reason for the selection of white as the liturgical colour at Eastertide1. The predominant employment of white and red in the Sarum Use may be a survival of the early British preference for those colours. Is it only a coincidence that the Rule of St. Columba recognised but two classes of martyrdom, 'red martyrdom' (= death), 'white martyrdom'' (= self-mortification)? § 17. CHORAL SERVICE.-The services of the Celtic Church, both at the altar and in the choir, were choral. Gildas, referring to Britain, speaks of 'ecclesiastical melodies,' and the musical voices of the young sweetly singing the praises of God. The word 'decantare' is used of the introduction of the Liturgy into Ireland in the fifth century, and of its performance at Iona in the sixth century. Adamnan states Futuro episcopo successori meo amphibalum album paschalem relinquo.' Migne, Bibl. Pat. Lat. lxv. 971. * 'Casulamque quam processoriam habebat albamque Paschalem ei dedit.' Greg. Tur. Op. p. 1187, note 1. 3 'Diacono quidam casulam tribuit. . . cappa cujus ita dilatata erat atque consuta, ut solet in illis candidis fieri quae per paschalia festa sacerdotum humeris imponuntur. Greg. Tur. Op. 1188. 'Albis autem vestibus in Pascha induetur secundum quod angelus ad monumentum albis vestibus cerneretur.' Germani Paris. Expos. Brev. Antiq. Lit. Gall. H. and S. ii. pt. i. 120. The fragment of an Irish sermon in the Codex Cameracensis adds a third, or 'green' martyrdom. The original Gaelic with a Latin translation is given in Zeuss. Grammat. Celtic. p. 1007. Ecclesiasticae melodiae'- modulante.' Epist. p. 44. ' Cotton MS. c. 800, de Officiorum Ecclesiasticorum Origine. 8 Adamnan, Vit. S. Columbae, iii. 12. that the voice of St. Columba was so powerful that when he was chaunting he could be heard sometimes half a mile, sometimes even a mile off,a statement not necessarily involving either miracle or exaggeration,-in the still air of an autumn day on one of the western islands of Scotland'. In Ireland music was an art early cultivated, and intimately connected with divine worship. Harpers are represented on the most ancient sculptured stones of Ireland, and pipers are introduced as decorations of initial letters in sacred manuscripts of the eighth and ninth centuries2. In the Félire of Oengus a good man is compared to 'an altar whereon wine is shed, round which is sung a multitude of melodies3.' Irish Annals speak of the destruction of church organs A.D. 814. There is nothing improbable in such an entry, as organs are known to have been in general use in Western Europe before that date". The more interesting question is, What was the style and character of the music in the Celtic Church? To this enquiry, unfortunately, no answer can be given beyond the negative one, that it was not the Roman chaunt in its ''Sed et hoc silere non debemus quod ab expertis quibusdam de voce beati psalmodiae viri indubitanter traditum est. Quae scilicet vox venerabilis viri in ecclesia cum fratribus decantantis aliquando per quatuor stadia hoc est D. passos, aliquando vero per octo, hoc est M. passus incomparabili elevata modo audiebatur.' Adamnan. Vit. S. Colum. i. 37. The distance has grown to 1500 paces in an old Gaelic poem preserved in the Leabhar Breac, fol. 31 b. Zurich. Antiq. Gesellschaft, vii. 65. DCCCXIV. 3 p. cvi. June 17. Annales Ultonienses, ann. 3 There are drawings of two organs in the Utrecht Psalter (sixth or ninth century) in the illustrations to Pss. cl, cli. There is a still earlier representation of an organ on one of the catacomb stones in the monastery of San Paolo fuori le Mura at Rome. St. Augustine says that organs with bellows were used in his day; Comment in Ps. lxi. These organs must have been curious and cumbrous structures if they resembled that which Ælfeah Bishop of Winchester (934-51) caused to be constructed in his monastery, which required seventy men to blow it. 'Bisseni supra sociantur in ordine folles, Inferiusque jacent quattuor atque decem. Wolstanus in Prologo ad Vitam Metricam S. Swithuni, |