Thus, by the prudent measures of the Commanderin-chief, the excitement was allayed, and tranquillity was restored to the army. Nor did he delay to fulfil the pledge he had made, writing to Congress with an earnestness and force of argument, which showed him to be moved not less by his feelings, than by a sense of duty in asserting the rights and just claims of those, who, to use his own words, "had so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered and fought under his direction," and urging a speedy decision in their favor. His representations and appeals were not disregarded. The subject was again considered in Congress, and the requisite number of States voted for the commutation of half-pay, and for the other provisions solicited by the officers in their memorial.*

In a few days the joyful news arrived, that a preliminary treaty of peace had been signed at Paris. The intelligence was brought in a French vessel from Cadiz, with a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at that place, preparing for an expedition to the West Indies under Count d'Estaing. Shortly afterwards Sir Guy Carleton communicated the same, as from official authority, and announced a cessation of hostilities. A proclamation to this effect was made to the American army on the 19th of April, precisely eight years from the day on which the first blood was shed in this memorable contest at Lexington.

Although the military labors of General Washington were now drawing to a close, in the attainment of the great object to which he had devoted himself with an

The anonymous addresses were from the pen of Major John Armstrong, at that time an aid-de-camp to General Gates. They were written at the request of several officers, who believed that the tardy proceedings of Congress, and the reluctance of that body to recognise the claims of the public creditors, called for a more decided expression of the sentiments of the army.

ardor, constancy, endurance, and singleness of purpose, that had never been surpassed by any commander, yet his anxiety for the future was scarcely diminished. The love of liberty, which had prompted him to such trials and disinterested exertions in the cause of his country, was equally alive to the success of that cause in building up the fabric of freedom on a firm and durable basis. In a letter to Colonel Hamilton, who was then a delegate in Congress from the State of New York, he said; "My wish to see the union of these States established upon liberal and permanent principles, and inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the present constitution, are equally great. All my private letters have teemed with these sentiments, and, whenever this topic has been the subject of conversation, I have endeavoured to diffuse and enforce them; but how far any further essay by me might be productive of the wished-for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion, and the temper and dispositions of the people, that it is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you, however, for the thoughts, which you have promised me on this subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient. No man in the United States is or can be more deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in our present confederation than myself. No man perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly; for to the defects thereof, and want of power in Congress, may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the war, and consequently the expenses occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of my command, and almost the whole of the difficulties and distress of the army, have had their origin here. But still, the prejudices of some, the designs of others, and the mere machinery of the

majority, make address and management necessary to give weight to opinions, which are to combat the doctrines of those different classes of men in the field of politics." To Lafayette he wrote; "We are now an independent people, and have yet to learn political tactics. We are placed among the nations of the earth, and have a character to establish; but how we shall acquit ourselves, time must discover. The probability is (at least I fear it), that local or State politics will interfere too much with the more liberal and extensive plan of government, which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would dictate; and that we shall be guilty of many blunders in treading this boundless theatre, before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art; in a word, that the experience, which is purchased at the price of difficulties and distress, will alone convince us, that the honor, power, and true interest of this country must be measured by a Continental scale, and that every departure therefrom weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a new constitution, that will give consistency, stability, and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great council of the nation for general purposes, is a duty incumbent upon every man, who wishes well to his country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of life."

The preparation of a plan for a peace establishment, which had been solicited by Congress, and some preliminary arrangements with the British commander in regard to the evacuation of New York, occupied him several weeks. For these latter objects he had a personal conference with Sir Guy Carleton at Orangetown. The circular letter, which he wrote to the governors of the States, as his last official communication, and

which was designed to be laid before the several legislatures, is remarkable for its ability, the deep interest it manifests for the officers and soldiers, who had fought the battles of their country, the soundness of its principles, and the wisdom of its counsels. Four great points he aims to enforce as essential in guiding the deliberations of every public body, and as claiming the serious attention of every citizen, namely, an indissoluble union of the States; a sacred regard to public justice; the adoption of a proper military peace establishment; and a pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the States, which should induce them to forget local prejudices, and incline them to mutual concessions for the advantage of the community. These he calls the pillars by which alone independence and national character can be supported. On each of these topics he remarks at considerable length, with a felicity of style and cogency of reasoning in all respects worthy of the subject. No public address could have been better adapted to the state of the times; and, coming from such a source, its influence on the minds of the people must have been effectual and most salutary.

Many of the troops went home on furlough; and General Washington, having little to do in camp till the arrival of the definitive treaty, resolved to employ the interval in making a tour to the northward, for the double purpose of gratifying his curiosity in visiting the scenes of the late military operations in that quarter, and of ascertaining from observation the natural resources of the country. In company with Governor Clinton he ascended the Hudson to Albany, and proceeded thence over the battle-fields of Saratoga, as far as Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Turning then to the Mohawk River, he extended his journey westward

to Fort Schuyler. He was absent from Newburg nineteen days. Ever regarding the condition and affairs of his country on a comprehensive scale, and fixing his thoughts on its importance as a nation, he saw, while on this tour, the immense advantages that would result from a water communication between the Hudson and the great Lakes, and believed in its practicability. His hopes and his anticipations have since been realized in the magnificent work, opening a passage for boats by a canal from the Hudson to Lake Erie, and effected by the enterprise and wealth of the State of New York.

When he returned to Newburg, he found a letter from the President of Congress, asking his attendance on that assembly, then in session at Princeton. The object of this request was, to consult him on the arrangements for peace, and other public concerns. While he was making preparations to leave camp, Congress conferred on him new honors. It was voted unanimously, that an equestrian statue of General Washington should be erected at the place where the residence of Congress should be established, and that it should be executed by the best artist in Europe, under the superintendence of the Minister of the United States at the Court of Versailles.*

The following is the description of this statue, as contained in the Journals of Congress. "Resolved, that the statue be of bronze; the General to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath; the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in basso-rilievo, the following principal events of the war, in which General Washington commanded in person; namely, the evacuation of Boston; the capture of the Hessians at Trenton; the battle of Princeton; the action of Monmouth; and the surrender of York. On the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows, The United States in Congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Washington, the illustrious Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States of America during