in some appropriate form of the excess profits tax; and we shall oppose every attempt to place upon the shoulders of the producing classes, the professional classes, and the small traders, the main financial burden of the war. We seek to prevent, by methods of common ownership and of taxation, the accumulation of great fortunes in private hands. Instead of senseless individual extravagances we desire to see the wealth of the nation expended for social purposes for the constant improvement and increase of the nation's enterprises, to make provision for the sick, the aged, and the infirm, to establish a genuine national system of education, to provide the means of public improvements in all directions by which the happiness and health of the people will be ensured. One step in this direction will be taken when the manufacture and sale of intoxicating drink is no longer left to those who find profit in encouraging the utmost possible consumption. The party's policy in this matter asserts the right of the people to deal with the licensing question in accordance with the opinion of localities; we urge that the localities should have conferred upon them full power to prohibit the sale of liquor within their boundaries, or alternatively to decide whether the number of licences should be reduced, upon what conditions they may be held, and whether they shall be under private or any form of public control. In our relations to other peoples, whether those of our blood and tongue in the British Empire, or those of other races and languages, we repudiate the idea of domination and exploitation, we stand for the steady development of the idea of local self-government and the freedom of nations. On all these points and the problems underlying them, the Labour Party lays down its general principles and policies; * and from time to time Labour's representative assemblies will apply these principles to the problems of immediate and pressing importance, and formulate the programme which the electors will be invited to support. In opposition, and presently as we believe and hope in office, Labour will seek to build up a new order of society, rooted in equality, dedicated to freedom, governed on democratic principles. *For a detailed statement of the party's reconstruction proposals, see "Labour and the New Social Order" printed as an appendix. CHAPTER III SOLIDARITY THE organised workers have displayed a wonderful spirit of loyalty and remarkable fortitude, courage, and determination throughout the period of the war, but from now onwards the need for practical and effective solidarity will become increasingly evident and insistent. The tremendous sacrifices of the present are a blood-offering for the security of the future, and a grave responsibility will rest upon the representatives of the several nations concerned if, from any unworthy motive, they fail to arrange such a peace settlement as will afford the peoples of the world a reasonable prospect of security, freedom, and progress. If such a peace is not realised it will mean that the most vital object of our participation in the present grievous and devastating conflict has not been attained, and that the military failure of Germany has not proved to be a victory for the Allied cause. It is imperative that the workers of the world should realise that they are too intimately concerned in the proper adjustment of all the great war issues to allow them to be settled in any other than a just and honourable way. Moreover, immense problems of political, social, and material reconstruction will present themselves for solution immediately peace is declared. These problems will not be confined to any one nation, but will be international in character, scope, and effect; and, if they are to be solved successfully, joint action and close co-operation between all peoples will be essential. The defeat of aggressive Militarism and Autocracy will not dispose of all the great difficulties confronting Democracy; it will only mean, in the event of an honourable and lasting peace, that the peoples will be free to concentrate all their energies, their creative and constructive genius, on the consideration and solution of these common difficulties. Democracy has in its hands the necessary power to arrange the future destiny of the world. If the democratic forces are to be successful, it is of essential importance that they shall combine with singleness of aim, firm determination, and complete unity under the banner of Freedom, Peace, and Progress. There is ample evidence that the workers of this country have not yet formed a just appreciation of the vital importance of all the forces of democracy uniting with one will and a common purpose to se cure in the peace settlement and the subsequent national and international reconstruction the essential conditions of "a new heaven and a new earth." It is true they intend that the new Society of Nations shall be built on the solid rocks of justice, honour, and humanity, instead of being rebuilt on the shifting sands of oppression, conquest, and international jealousy. They intend that brute force and all other barriers to "Peace on Earth, Good-will among men" shall be done away with and that the conclusion of this terrible struggle shall inaugurate a new era in which moral force shall hold complete and unquestioned sway. And it must be obvious that anything short of this would mean that the present golden opportunity had been missed and would give a new lease of life to the forces of reaction and militarism throughout the whole world. The only power that can save the present and future generations from a repetition of the present ruthless struggle, is a united world Democracy. But if full advantage is to be taken of this opportunity to ensure that the destiny of the world shall be at the complete disposal of the people themselves, it will require of Democracy all the best qualities of real statesmanship. It is not sufficient that the nations shall have a clear vision of the new world which they desire to dwell in; they must organise |