commanders of his Majesty's land and naval forces in America: for however unwilling his Majefty may confent to the exertion of such powers a may endanger the fafety of a fingle fubject, yet can he not permit his own dignity, and the authority of the British legiflature, to be trampled on by force and violence, and in avowed contempt of all order, duty and

decorum.

If the fubject is aggrieved, he knows in what manner legally and conftitutionally to apply for relief: but it is not fuitable, either to the fafety or dignity of the British empire, that any individuals, under the pretence of redreffing grievances, fhould prefume to violate the public peace. I am, &c. H. S. CONWAY.

P. S. The floop which carries this will carry orders to Lord Colvil, and to the Governor of Nova Scotia, to fend to your affiftance any force which may be thought neceffary from thence, and which that province can fupply.

The King having, in his fpeech, recommended to the confideration of parliament the affairs of America, a debate naturally followed on the addrefs.

The new minifters fpoke tenderly of the difturbances and confufieas in America. The late minifters (at this time in oppofition) were quite the reverse.

Earl Nugent (then Mr. Nugent) infifted, That the honour and dig. nity of the kingdom, obliged us to compel the execution of the ftampact, except the right was acknowledged, and the repeal folicited as a favour. He computed the expence of the troops now employed in Ame rica for their defence, as he called it, to amount to nine-pence in the pound of our land tax; while the produce of the ftamp-act would not raife a fhilling a head on the inhabitants of America; but that a peppercorn, in acknowledgment of the right, was of more value, than millions without. He expatiated on the extreine ingratitude of the colonies; and concluded, with charging the miniftry with encouraging petitions ta parliament, and inftructions to members from trading and manufacturing towns, against the act.

Mr. Pitt (now Lord Chatham) fpoke next. And he always begins very low, and as every body was in agitation at his first rifing, his introduction was not heard, 'till he said, I came to town but to-day; I was a ftranger to the tenor of his Majefty's fpeech, and the propofed addrefs, 'till I heard them read in this houfe. Unconnected and unconfulted I have not the means of information; I am fearful of offending through mistake, and therefore beg to be indulged with a fecond reading of the propofed addrefs.' The addrefs being read, Mr. Pitt went on:-He commended the King's fpeech, approved of the addrefs in anfwer, as it decided nothing, every gentleman being left at perfect liberty to take fuch a part concerning America, as he might afterwards fee fit. One word only he could not approve of, an early, is a word that does not belong to the notice the miniftry has given to parliament of the troubles ia America. In a matter of fuch importance, the communication ought to have been immediate; I fpeak not with refpect to parties; I ftand up In this place fingle and unconnected. As to the late miniftry, (turning himfelt

himself to Mr. Grenville, who fat within one of him) every capital meafure they have taken, has been entirely wrong!

As to the prefent gentlemen, to thofe at least whom I have in my eye (looking at the bench where Mr. Conway fat, with the lords of the treafury) I have no objection; I have never been made a tacrifice by any of them. Their characters are fair; and I am always glad when men of fair character engage in his Majesty's fervice. Some of them have done me the honour to afk my poor opinion, before they would engage. Thefe will do me the juftice to own, I advised them to engage; but notwithstanding-I love to be explicit-I cannot give them my confidence; pardon me, gentlemen, (bowing to the miniftry) confidence is a plant of flow growth in an aged bofom: youthi is the feafon of credulity; by comparing events with each other, reafoning from effects to caufes, methinks, I plainly difcover the traces of an over-ruling influence.

There is a claufe in the act of fettlement, to oblige every minifter to fign his name to the advice which he gives his fovereign. Would it were obferved!-I have had the honour to ferve the crown, and if I could have fubmitted to influence, I might have ftill continued to ferve; but I would not be refponfible for others.-I have no local attachments: it is indifferent to me, whether a man was rocked in his cradle on this fide or that fide the Tweed.I fought for merit wherever it was to be found. It is my boaft, that I was the first minifter who looked for it, and I found it in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew it into your fervice, an hardy and intrepid race of men! men, who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the state, in the war before the laft. Thefe men, in the laft war, were brought to combat on your fide: they ferved with fidelity, as they fought with valour, and conquered for you' in every part of the world: detefted be the national reflections againft them!they are unjuft, groundlefs, illiberal, unmanly. When I eeafed to ferve his Majefty as a minifter, it was not the country of the man by which I was moved-but the man of that country wanted wisdom, and held principles incompatible with freedom.

It is a long time, Mr. Speaker, fince I have attended in parliament. When the refolution was taken in the house to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to have been carried in my bed, fo great was the agitation of my mind for the confequences! I would have folicited fome kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my teftimony againft it. It is now an act that has paffed-I would fpeak with decency of every act of this houfe, but I maft beg the indulgence of the house to speak of it with freedom.

I hope a day may be foon appointed to confider the ftate of the ntion with refpect to America.-I hope, gentlemen will come to this debate with all the temper and impartiality his Majefty recommends, and the importance of the fubject requires. A fubject of greater importance than ever engaged the attention of this houfe that fubject only excepted, when, near a century ago, it was the queftion, whether yourfelves were to be bound, or free. In the mean time, as I canno depend upon health for any future day, fuch is the nature of my infirmities, I will beg te fay a few words at prefent, leaving the juftice, the

you

equity,

equity, the policy, the expediency of the act, to another time. I will only fpeak to one point, a point which feems not to have been generally understood-I mean to the right. Some gentlemen (alluding to Mr. Nugent) feem to have confidered it as a point of honour. If gentlemen confider it in that light, they leave all meafures of right and wrong, to follow a delufion that may lead to deftruction. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the fame time, I affert the authority of this kingdom over the colonies, to be fovereign and fupreme, in every circumftance of government and legisla tion what foever. They are the fubjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with yourfelves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen. Equally bound by its laws, and equally par ticipating of the conftitution of this free country. The Americans are the fons, not the baftards, of England. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power.-The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. In legislation the three eftates of the realm are alike concerned, but the concurrence of the peers and the crown to a tax, is only neceffary to close with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the commons alone. In ancient days, the crown, the barons, and the clergy poffeffed the lands. In thofe days, the barons and the clergy gave and granted to the crown. They gave and granted what was their own. Åt prefent, fince the difcovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the commons are become the proprietors of the land. The crown has divested itfelf of its great estates. The church (God blefs it) has but a pittance. The property of the lords, compared with that of the commons, is as a drop of water in the ocean and this houfe reprefents thofe commons, the proprietors of the lands; and those proprietors virtually reprefent the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this houfe we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax, what do we do? We, your Majefty's com mons of Great-Britain, give and grant to your Majefty, what? Our own property? No. We give and grant to your Majefty, the property of your Majefty's commons in America.—It is an abfurdity in terms.

The distinction between legislation and taxation is effentially neceffary to liberty. The crown, the peers, are equally legislative powers with the commons. If taxation be a part of fimple legislation, the crown, the peers have rights in taxation as well as yourselves: rights which they will claim, which they will exercife, whenever the principle can be fupported by power.

• There is an idea in fome, that the colonies are virtually reprefented in this houfe. I would fain know by whom an American is reprefented here? Is he reprefented by any knight of the fhire, in any county in this kingdom? Would to God that refpectable representation was augmented to a greater number! Or will you tell him that he is reprefented by any reprefentative of a borough-a borough which perhaps no man ever fawThis is what is called, the rotten part of the conftitution.-It cannot continue the century-If it does not drop, it must be amputated.-The idea of a virtual representation of America in this houfe, is the mot contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of a man-It does not deferve a ferious refutation.

• The

The commons of America, reprefented in their feveral affemblies, have ever been in poffeffion of the exercife of this, their conftitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been flaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the fame time, this kingdom, as the fupreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the coloDies by her laws, by her regulations, and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures-in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their confent.-Here I would draw the line, Quam ultra citraque nequit confiftere recium.'

He concluded with a familiar voice and tone, but fo low that it was not eafy to diftinguish what he faid. A confiderable pause enfued after Mr. Pitt had done fpeaking.

Mr. Conway at length got np, He faid, he had been waiting to fee whether any answer would be given to what had been advanced by the right honourable gentleman, referving himself for the reply: but as none had been given, he had only to declare, that his own fentiments were entirely conformable to thofe of the right honourable gentleman.-That they are fo conformable, he faid, is a circumftance that affects me with moft fenfible pleasure, and does me the greatest honour. But two things fell from that gentleman which give me pain, as whatever falls from that gentleman, falls from fo great a height as to make a deep impreffion. I muft endeavour to remove it. It was objected, that the notice given to parliament of the troubles in America was not early. I can affure the house, the first accounts were too vague and imperfect to be worth the notice of parliament. It is only of late that they have been precife and full. An over-ruling influence has also been hinted at. I fee nothing of it. I feel nothing of it. I difclaim it for myfelf, and (as far as my difcern. ment can reach) for all the rest of his Majefty's minifters.'

Mr. Pitt faid, in answer to Mr. Conway, The excufe is a valid one, if it is a just one. That muft appear from the papers now before the house.' Mr. Grenville next ftood up. He began with cenfuring the miniftry very feverely, for delaying to give earlier notice to parliament of the disturbances in America. He faid, they began in July, and now we are in the middle of January; lately they were only occurrences, they are now grown to disturbances, to tumults and riots. I doubt they 'border on open rebellion; and if the doctrine I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lofe that name to take that of revolution. The government over them being diffolved, a revolution will take place in America. I cannot understand the difference between external and internal taxes. They are the fame in effect, and only differ in name. That this kingdom has the fovereign, the fupreme legislative power over America, is granted. It cannot be denied; and taxation is a part of that fovereign power. It is one branch of the legislation. It is, it has been exercifed, over thofe who are not, who were never reprefented. It is exercised over the India company, the merchants of London, the proprietors of the flocks, and over many great manufacturing towns. It was exercifed over the palatinate of Chefter, and the bishopric of Durham, before they fent any reprefentatives to parliament. I appeal for proof to the preambles of the acts which gave them reprefentatives:

The

1

the one in the reign of Henry VIII. the other in that of Charles II.” Mr. Grenville then quoted the acts, and defired that they might be read; which being done, he faid: When I propofed to tax America, I afked the house, if any gentleman would object to the right; I repeatedly afked it, and no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obedience are reciprocal. Great-Britain protects America; America is bound to yield obedience. If not, tell me where the Americans were emancipated? When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are always very ready to afk it. That protection has always been afforded them in the most full and ample manner. The nation has run itself into an immenfe debt to give them their protection; and now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expence, an expence ariling from themselves, they renounce your authority, infult your officers, and break out, I might almoft fay, into open rebellion. The feditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in the house. Gentlemen are careless of the confequences of what they fay, provided it anfwers the purposes of oppofition. We were told we trod on tender ground;. we were bid to expect difobedience. What was this, but telling the Americans to ftand out againft the law, to encourage their obftinancy with the expectation of fupport from hence? Let us only hold out a little, they would fay, our friends will foon be in power. Ungrateful people of America! Bounties have been extended to them. When I had the honour of ferving the crown, while you yourselves were loaded with an enormous debt, you have given bounties on their lumber, on their iron, their hemp, and many other articles. You have relaxed, in their favour, the act of navigation, that palladium of the British commerce; and yet I have been abused in all the public papers as an enemy to the trade of America. I have been particularly charged with giving orders and inftructions to prevent the Spanish trade, and thereby ftopping the channel, by which alone North-America ufed to be fupplied with cafh for remittances to this. country. I defy any man to produce any fuch orders or inftructions. I difcouraged no trade but what was illicit, what was prohibited by act of parliament. I defire a Weft-India merchant, well known in the city (Mr. Long) a gentleman of character, may be examined. He will tell you, that I offered to do every thing in my power to advance the trade of America. I was above giving an answer to anonymous calumnies ; but in this place, it becomes one to wipe off the afperfion.'

6

Here Mr. Grenville ceafed. Several members got up to speak, but Mr. Pitt feeming to rife, the house was fo clamorous for Mr. Pitt, Mr. Pitt, that the fpeaker was obliged to call to order. After obtaining a little quiet, hefaid, Mr. Pitt was up ;' who began with informing the house, That he did not mean to have gone any further upon the fubject that day; that he had only defigned to have thrown out a few hints, which, gentlemen who were fo confident of the right of this kingdom to dend taxes to America, might confider; might, perhaps, reflect, in a cooler moment, that the right was at least equivocal. But fince the gentlemen, who fpoke lait, had not stopped on that ground, but had gone into the whole; into the justice, the equity, the policy, the expediency of the ftamp-act, as well as into the right, he would follow him through the whole field, and combat his arguments on every point.'

He