FOURTEENTH QUESTION. What are the means which the abolitionists in different parts of the world could most effectually use, consistently with the principles recognized by the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society for the extinction of the slave trade and slavery?

Our suggestions under this inquiry will have reference only to American slavery.

1. The incalculable benefits which the anti-slavery cause in this country has already realized from the abolition of slavery in the British West Indies, convinces us that our foreign friends cannot in any way more effectually aid us than by laboring for the utter extinction of slavery and the instruction and elevation of the emancipated slaves in all their national domains. Already the abolition of slavery in the British West Indian colonies has struck a decisive blow at the roots of our system. No one event has occurred for which we have greater reason to magnify the God of the oppressed. Let this be followed by the abolition of slavery in the French colonies, and American slavery would totter to its fall. Further, let the friends of freedom in England redouble their efforts for the extinction of East India slavery. The effect of emancipation in the West Indies, as an example, is greatly counteracted in its operation upon a large portion of our countrymen by the continuance of slavery in the East Indies. This is seized upon as an inconsistency, and wielded as a proof of British insincerity in the cause of human liberty. It is greatly important, therefore, that every ground and pretext of cavil against British sincerity should be taken away, that the example of a nation of abolitionists may bear upon us with all its weight. The eradication of slavery in the East Indies would give the English nation just such a power. Besides it would almost inevitably either wholly exclude American slave cotton from the English market, or greatly reduce its price. In either case a shock would be given to American slavery from which it could never recover.

May we not moreover rely upon the combined anti-slavery power in England and France for effecting the abolition of slavery in the Spanish colonies? The single island of Cuba wields a greater influence over the United States than all the other

West India colonies together. From its size, wealth, and contiguity, and from the constant intercourse maintained between us, it serves to keep our slaveholders in countenance. Were slavery abolished there we should care but little for its continuance in the minor Danish and Dutch colonies, so far as respects their influence over us. But we feel little encouragement to look to SPAIN for so desirable a consummation.

2. We would next mention as an auxiliary the guarding of the great experiment in the West Indies from all adverse influences. Our countrymen are intently observing the operation of this experiment, and they are observing it with partial and prejudiced eyes, with the secret wish and hope that it may fail; at the same time they realize that if it succeeds it must go far towards demonstrating the safety and policy of immediate emancipation. Their readiness to seize upon every vague rumour adverse to the experiment illustrates both their wishes and their fears. Many unfavorable influences may be, and have already been brought to bear upon this experiment, and the evil results are charged, by the prejudiced here, though very unjustly, against the cause of emancipation. We need not here specify these influences. The friends of human rights in Great Britain have already a painful acquaintance with them, and are well aware that the colonies abound with agencies in the shape of unequal laws, partial magistrates, and unprincipled planters, hostile to the interests of freedom. Over these agencies British Abolitionists may exert a control: we cannot.

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3. The friends of human rights in Great Britain may further aid in the anti-slavery work, by keeping our countrymen advised of the happy results of emancipation in the West India colonies. It is true those islands are open to our inspection, and we have not been slow to gather the results and proclaim them in the ears of our countrymen; but in the estimation of the slavery class we are partizans, and heated ones too, yea fanatical, and our testimony is received with suspicion. The testimony of Englishmen themselves relative to the working of emancipation in the West India colonies, would we are persuaded claim far greater attention. But to be effectual, it should be oft repeated. We would respectfully suggest that frequent statements of the condition of the colonies, conduct of the peo

ple, state of the crops, causes of difficulties if any, and many other like items, carefully made out and sent to our religious weekly, and commercial daily publications, in New York and other cities, would be of incalculable service.

4. Another way in which our cause may be greatly furthered, is by awakening more and more the British public to the abominations of American slavery. A deep abhorrence of our oppressions should pervade universally the British people, so that whenever Americans travel or tarry within the bounds of the empire they should meet a solemn and uncompromising testimony against American slavery, American "prejudice against color," and the multiform pro-slavery spirit of the free states. Even now the influence of such a public sentiment is beginning to be felt by Americans who cross the Atlantic. Great Britain is already regarded here as a nation of abolitionists and her frown is greatly dreaded by the advocates of slavery. If the impression could be made upon the British people at large, that they may do much toward the removal of American slavery, this would be a great point gained. If they could be made to appreciate the mighty influence which they may wield by the bare expression of their public sentiment against our slavery, this would be a still greater gain. If also the responsibilities of Englishmen visiting the United States were deeply felt, and if they were in all cases faithful in condemning our slavery, and prejudice, and all who uphold them, they would produce the happiest effects. How few Englishmen, visiting the United States, are faithful in this respect! How few sustain the reputation of their country as a nation of abolitionists! How many, who are regarded at home as abolitionists, come here only to weaken our hands, and strengthen those of slaveholders and their apologists!

5. Again, the cause of American emancipation might be greatly promoted by communications from distinguished persons in Great Britain, prepared expressly for publication under their own signatures, in our most influential moral and religious periodicals. But little has been hitherto done in this way, but still enough to show the importance of this instrumentality. The letters of the Rev. John Angell James, of Birmingham, addressed to the editor of the New York Observer, were extensively read, and produced

a most salutary impression. These letters were kind and courteous, yet firm and faithful in their rebuke of American slavery and prejudice, and coming as they did from one extensively known and respected amongst us, they were most welcome auxiliaries. Let such letters be multiplied a hundred fold. There are many names in Great Britain, both in church and state, that are cherished in the hearts of multitudes of our countrymen; and communications signed by them would secure an extensive perusal. We need not say that the course here suggested would be wholly unexceptionable. American slavery is a public thing -as much so as American liberty. It stands out before the world claiming to be "the corner stone of the Republic," an essential element in a free government.” With such high pretensions it should surely seek to attract toward it the searching scrutiny of the master spirits of all lands. We earnestly solicit your attention to this as an important means of promoting the extinction of American slavery; and trust that it will not be found impracticable to enlist many in this most promising agency.

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6. The anti-slavery cause in this country may also be greatly subserved by securing the general discussion of American slavery by the British press—religious, literary, commercial, and political, All your ablest reviews are reprinted and widely circulated in all parts of the United States. Anti-slavery articles published in them would reach every portion of the union. The friends of human rights in Great Britain could not more essentially promote the cause in this country than by securing the co-operation of those pre-eminently powerful instrumentalities in holding up American slavery to the scorn and indignant reprobation of the civilized world. The service which would hereby be rendered, may be inferred from the loud outcry of a prominent slaveholder, "the literature of the world is against us." There is not, perhaps, in the world a class of persons more sensitive to public opinion than slaveholders. Hence all their frenzied excitement because abolitionists will discuss slavery. It is not because they believe that their slaves will thereby be instigated to rebellion, or that any compulsory measures will be used to effect the overthrow of slavery; but simply because they foresee that the inevitable consequence of discussion will be the creation of a

strong public sentiment at the north against their favorite system. Regard for public favor, strong in every community, is doubly so among slaveholders, for with them it is an indispensable prop to a misgiving conscience. With the slaveholder accredited respectability becomes a substitute for self respect, which gradually abandons him amid the perpetual developments of passion and meanness. Hitherto the slaveholder

But his

has been living upon his respectability, and he has certainly had an unreasonable stock of it both at home and abroad. glory is passing away. The disguises of generosity, hospitality, and chivalry, under which he has so long contrived to practise his impositions upon the world, are being torn off, and he must soon appear in his naked deformity the abhorrence of mankind. To hasten this desirable consummation we would enlist the British press widely in the discussion of American slavery. Let American slaveholders feel not merely that the literature of the world is against them, but that the British press, with its piety, talent, learning, eloquence, and philanthropy marshals and leads on the host.

7. Lastly, most valuable aid may be rendered by the extensive introduction into the British market of free grown cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco, and the other products of our slave labor. Our slave states are so greatly dependent upon British markets for the profitable disposal of their products that if Great Britain should give adequate encouragement to her East India products of the same kind, the main staff of American slavery would be broken.

We have thus taken the liberty, in compliance with the desire expressed in the preceding query, to make a number of suggestions relative to the co-operation of British abolitionists in the extinction of American slavery. That co-operation we most highly appreciate and earnestly invoke. Similarity of language, laws, manners, and pursuits, and the great and increasing intercourse between the two nations, give to Britons a moral hold upon our countrymen which no other people on the globe possess. We entreat them not to be deterred from the most active advocacy of this cause by the consideration that Great Britain and America are distinct nations. What though we are politically two people-are we not morally one? Are we not one