casion should have been chosen for the experiment; that while the oppressed nations of Europe are making a magnanimous and glorious effort against the common enemy of free states, we alone, the descendants of the pilgrims, sworn foes to civil and religious slavery, should voluntarily co-operate with the oppressor to bind other nations in his chains; that, while diverting the forces of one of his enemies from the mighty conflict, we should endanger the defenceless territories of another, in whose ports the flag of our independence was first permitted to wave, now struggling for existence beneath his iron grasp.

Permit the legislature of this commonwealth, whose citizens have been ever zealous in the cause of freedom, and who contributed their utmost efforts for the adoption of that constitution, under which, in former times, we enjoyed so much prosperity, most respectfully, but earnestly, to entreat and conjure the constituted authorities of the nation, by the regard due to our liberties, to our union, to our civil compact, already infringed, to pause before it be too late. Let the sober, considerate, and honourable representatives of our sister states, in which different councils prevail, ask themselves

Were not the territories of the United States sufficiently extensive before the annexation of Louisiana, the projected reduction of Canada, and seizure of West Florida?

Had we not millions upon millions of acres of uncultivated wilderness, scarcely explored by civilized man?

Could these acquisitions be held, as conquered provinces, without powerful standing armies? And would they not, like other infant colonies, serve as perpetual drains of the blood and treasure of these United States? Or is it seriously intended to adopt the dangerous project of forming them into new states and admitting them into the union, without the express consent of every member of the original confederacy? Would not such a measure have a direct tendency to destroy the obligations of that compact by which alone our union is maintained?

Already have we witnessed the formation and admission of one state beyond the territorial limits of the United States, and this too, in opposition to the wishes and efforts, as well as in violation of the rights and interests of some of the parties to that compact; and the determination to continue that practice, and thereby to extend our republic to regions hitherto unexplored, or peopled by inhabitants whose habits, language, religion, and as are repugnant to the genius of our government, is openly avowed.

Against a practice so hostile to the rights, the interests, the safety of this state, and so destructive to her political power;

so subversive of the spirit of the constitution, and the very principles upon which it is founded, your remonstrants, in the name and behalf of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, feel it their duty to enter their most solemn and deliberate protest.

If an extensive confederated republic is to be maintained, and we most fervently pray that it may, it can only be by a free communication of the grievances felt and the evils apprehended by any of its members, and by a prompt and liberal remedy. The same spirit of concession which dictated the formation and adoption of the constitution should be kept in permanent and perpetual exercise.

The blessings of government, its vigilance, its protection, its rewards, should be equally and impartially distributed, and its burdens as equally and fairly imposed. No portion of the union ought to be sacrificed to the local interests, passions, or aggrandizement of others. It cannot, however, be denied, that causes have occurred to disturb the balance, which, when adjusted, was intended to form the principal security of our present compact. But the remedy is in the power of congress, and we look to their wisdom for its efficacious and speedy application.

The chief motive which influenced the eastern states to abolish the old confederation, and to surrender a greater share of their own sovereign power, as appears by the recent history of those times, was the expectation that their commerce would be better protected by the national government.

The hardy people of the north stood in no need of the aid of the south, to protect them in their liberties. For this, they could safely rely, as they always had done, on their own valour. But it was an important object with them, that every aid, facility, and encouragement should be given to that commerce upon which their prosperity almost exclusively depended.

To ensure this great object, a very unequal proportion of political power was conceded to the southern states. The representation of slaves was the price paid by the northern states for the stipulated protection and encouragement of their trade, and for an agreement of the southern members of the union, that the public burdens should be apportioned according to representation. Experience, however, has proved, that although the contract on our part has been faithfully fulfilled, both these considerations have utterly failed.

Indications of a spirit hostile to commerce were early visible among some of those who now controul the destinies of our republic; but the father of his country then presided in our councils, and this spirit was vanquished. Under the influence

of the wise, and liberal, and magnanimous system adopted and pursued by his administration, commerce was indeed cherished, extended, and protected; and the stipulations of the constitution were fulfilled in sincerity and good faith.

Since that period, however, the same spirit has arisen, and has exhibited an unrelenting severity in the exercise of its sway; until, at length, by a series of restrictions, utterly destructive of the calculations of the merchant, by prohibitions and double duties, by embargoes and non-intercourse, and lastly by war, the poor remains of that commerce which once covered the ocean with its sails, have been nearly annihilated. Nor has the other part of the consideration been better fulfilled. Taxation has never, except in a single instance, and that to one hundredth part only of the revenue raised under the constitution, been apportioned according to representation, and with what reluctance it was then submitted to by the southern states, and with what tardiness it was even partially collected, public records will determine.

Of the two hundred and fifteen millions of dollars derived by the United States under the operation of the federal government, Massachusetts has paid upwards of forty millions; an amount beyond all proportion to her political weight in the union.

If therefore the revenues derived from this commonwealth, and paid into the national treasury, had been preserved in her own, she would have been fully competent to her own defence, and would not have been obliged to solicit, nor experience the injustice of a refusal of the arms for which she has long since paid, and which were her due from the general government, What good cause can be assigned for this refusal, your remonstrants are wholly unable to determine. No discretion is by law vested in any officer of the government in relation to this subject. Its provisions are simple, plain, and peremptory. Your remonstrants, therefore, cannot but express their astonishment, that the state of Massachusetts, possessing a sea coast more extensive and populous than that of any other state in the union, and a defenceless frontier by land, should not only be entirely abandoned by the government whose duty it is to protect her, but should also be refused the arms for her own defence, to which she is by law entitled.

They cannot, however, permit themselves to doubt that congress will, forthwith, adopt such measures as will render to this commonwealth, that justice which the executive department has refused.

If the war in which we have been rashly plunged, was undertaken to appease the resentment or secure the favour of France, deep and humiliating must be our disappointment. For although the emperor is lavish in his professions of love for the American people," applauds our ready self-devotion, and declares that our commerce and our prosperity are within the scope of his policy," yet no reparation has been made or offered for the many outrages, indignities, and insults he has inflicted on our government, nor for the unnumbered millions of which he has plundered our citizens. And when we consider the course of policy pursued by our rulers in their external relations and commercial restrictions, from the prohibition of our trade to St. Domingo, to the declaration of war against Great Britain; that this course often received his open approbation, and was not unfrequently conformable to the system which he himself had adopted; when we consider also the mysterious secrecy which has veiled the correspondence of the two governments from our view; and, above all, when we consider that in many instances the most important measures of our government have been anticipated in Paris long before they were known to the American people, we cannot conceal our anxiety and alarm for the honour and independence of our country. And we most fervently pray, that the sacrifices we have already made, like the early concessions of Spain and Portugal, of Prussia and Sweden, may not be the preludes to new demands and new concessions; and that we may be preserved from all political connexion with the common enemy of civil liberty.

To the constituted authorities of our country we have now stated our opinions, and made known our complaints. Opinions, the result of deliberate reflection; and complaints, wrung from us by the tortures of that cruel policy" which has brought the good people of this commonwealth to the verge of ruin. A policy which has annihilated that commerce so essential to their prosperity; increased their burdens while it has diminished their means of support; provided for the establishment of an immense standing army, dangerous to their liberties, and irreconcileable with the genius of their constitution; destroyed their just and constitutional weight in the general government, and, by involving them in a disastrous war, has placed in the power of the enemy the controul of the fisheries, a treasure of more value to the country than all the territories for which we are contending, and which furnished the only means of subsistence to thousands of our citizens; the great nursery of our seamen, and the right to which can never be abandoned by New England.

Under such circumstances, silence towards the government would be treachery to the people. In making this solemn representation of our sufferings and our dangers, we have been influenced only by the duty which we owe to our constituents and our country, to our consciences and the memory of our fathers. And to the Searcher of all hearts we appeal for the purity of our motives and the sincerity of our declarations.

Far from wishing to embarrass the administration in any of their negotiations for peace, we cannot but express our regret that they should not have evinced a sincere desire for this great object, by accepting some of the repeated overtures made by the enemy for the suspension of hostilities: and permit us, in conclusion, most earnestly to request, that measures may immediately be adopted to stay the sword of the destroyer, and to prevent the further effusion of human blood; that our invading armies may be forthwith recalled within our own territories; and that every effort of our rulers may be speedily directed to the attainment of a just and honourable peace, that mutual confidence and commercial prosperity may be again restored to our distracted and suffering country; and that by an upright and faithful administration of our government, in the true spirit of the constitution, its blessings may be equally diffused to every portion of the union.

In the house of representatives, June 14th, 1813.
Sent up for concurrence.

TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker.

In senate, June 15, 1813.

Read and concurred.

JOHN PHILLIPS, President.

A true copy.

Attest,

SAMUEL F. M'CLEARY,

Clerk of the Senate.

BENJAMIN POLLARD,

Clerk of the house of Representatives.

To the honourable the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled.

The undersigned committee, chosen by the minority of the senators and representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, beg leave to represent, that they have perceived with extreme regret, that the legislature of this state, in their present session, have presented a remonstrance to congress denouncing the administration of the general government, reprobating the war, as improper, impolitic, and unjust; impeaching the motives of the congress which declared it, excusing and justifying all the