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this assertion, that the whole force of these unparalleled eulogiums, was urged with the sole view of recommending that policy for adoption, to whose effects, all these blessings were ascribed, and particularly, when in the page preceding, I observe this remark: "The agricultural portion of it is said by the gentleman from Virginia, to be greater, than that created by any other branch of her industry. But that flows mainly from a policy similar to that proposed by this bill." This seems to me to be a direct declaration, not an inference; that the policy proposed by this bill, is similar to the pre-existing British policy; of course, imitative-recommended by it, and deducible from it. I should like to know what the splendid orator meant by the introduction of the following observations; if not for the purpose of recommending the imitation of this most wise and beneficial policy, as he describes it to be? Surely, if such be its beneficial effects, it ought not only to be recommended, but the whole mental powers of the orator ought to be exerted in favor of its adoption. Is there nothing seen here like insincerity? like duplicity? urging the strongest possible arguments, for the adoption of a measure. The measure proposed to be adopted, then under consideration, and the assertion made, that he is far from recommending an imitation of British policy, of British systems of taxation. For what other object could these observations have been introduced?

"The object of wise governments should be, by sound legislation, so to protect the industry of their own citizens against the policy of foreign powers, as to give to it the most expansive force in the production of wealth. Great Britain has ever acted, and still acts, on this policy. She has pushed her protection of British interest further than any other nation has fostered its industry. The result is, greater wealth among her subjects and consequently greater obstacles to pay their public burthens.

"The Committee will observe, from that table, that the measure of the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protection of its industry; and that the measure of the poverty of a nation is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the action of foreign powers. Great Britain protects most her industry, and the wealth of Great Britain is consequently the greatest."

But, Mr. Speaker, look back at the whole comparison made between the British and American nations and population, and ask yourself if you would not conclude, that the British is the wealthiest, the happiest, and most dignified nation—and the American the poorest, the most miserable, and the most degraded nation in the world. Such, certainly, is the picture drawn by the splendid sonorous orator. Under these fascinating descriptions of the unparalleled blessings, enjoyed by British subjects, would you not expect, Mr. Speaker, that the whole American population would fly from their own impoverished and degraded country, and hail with joy their arrival on British shores, to participate in all the liberties and blessings, enjoyed by British subjects in British land. And, yet, sir, such is not the actual course of emigration--but directly the reverse. The British population are, at this moment, fleeing from all these unexampled British blessings; which, although our

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orator sees the British subjects enjoying, he is unwilling that American citizens should participate in them. He is so cruel, as not to mean to "recommend" the British system, producing all these ineffable blessings, to the adoption of the American people. Here, sir, will be found the orator's great mistake in his deduction from his incomprehensible statistics. The British people are the most miserable and wretched people in Europe, according to numbers; and this misery and wretchedness have arisen from the restrictive policy-to which policy, the mistaken orator erroneously ascribes all the glittering, fallacious prosperity, and happiness of the British nation. I will go farther and say, that the American people, if not the most wealthy, according to numbers, are the most independent and happy people—and always will remain so, until cheated out of their political blessings by huckstering and bargaining. If such should turn out to be the case, how unfortunate must the splendid orator have been, in his deductions from his sonorous complicated statistics. It is not difficult to account for the unfortunate misconceptions and delusions of the superficial sounding orator. He has looked to the whole British population in mass, without taking the trouble of separating them into different classes and orders, conformably to the practical organization of the British government. Let me, then, perform this task, which has been omitted by the orator, and it will be found that the British population, consisting of 21 millions in the whole, are divided into nabobs and paupers. The middling class being almost annihilated by unwise governmental tampering, and intermeddling in various ways; and nothing has been more instrumental in producing this result, than the extensive and long continued restrictive system. Of this large mass of population, 280,000 possess all the income of the country, whilst 20,720,000, are in a state of pauperism in various degrees. What a mass of human misery, compared with the mass of human prosperity! Perhaps, almost as little real happiness is to be found in one of these extreme conditions as the other. I am so fortunate as to speak with some degree of certainty upon this point. I have, within a short time, received a very able expose, upon popular education, from the Whig Society of Princeton, delivered by Mr. C. F. Mercer, at the request of both of the Societies of that College, which contains the substance of a report made by a society of gentlemen in London, upon the actual condition of the British population; Headed "every line a moral"-" Every page a history"-I now beg leave to read from it a copious quotation. Its contents are all important to the American people at this moment, before they are hurried by fallacious appearances, and false calculations, to the adoption of the antiquated, destructive British restrictive system.

"There were returned to the British Parliament in 1824, for Enggland and Wales, but 120,000 qualified jurors out of a population which exceeded twelve and a half millions. Of the funded public debt due from the twenty-one millions of people inhabiting Great Britain and Ireland, amounting to seven hundred and thirty-seven, out of eight hundred and thirty-eight millions of pounds sterling, or to 3,275 millions of dollars, 280,000 persons are entitled to the whole, and consequently to the annually accruing interest upon it, of 115,500,000 dollars. These classes are not composed of distinct persons, since the

fundholder is often a freeholder too, and they together own the far greater proportion, not only of the unfuuded debt of nearly 450 millions more, but of all the moveable property of the nation. Behold in these particulars, therefore, a part of the evidences of the overgrown wealth of the rich.

"Of the number and indigence of the poor, sum up the melancholy testimony, that at the period of the last British census, the occupants of three fourths of the inhabited houses of England and Wales, were unable to contribute to direct taxation-that for a series of years, more than two-fifths of all the families who dwell in those habitations, amounting to five millions of people were dependent for permanent or occasional relief upon the constrained charity of the residue—that in some counties the relieved paupers comprised three-fourths of the entire population, and of the whole number of paupers provided for, more than ninety thousand families were actually in work-houses.

"In the eight years next preceding this census, the committals for crime among this population mounted up from six thousand five hundred and seventy-five, to thirteen thousand one hundred and fifteen, or very nearly doubled; and in 1823, or two years after that census, the total county levy for the maintenance of jails, and houses of correction, approached in amount near a million of dollars.

"From the prevalence of pauperism and crime in a country, in which, of an annual expenditure of near three hundred millions of dollars, not one cent is bestowed on public education; the state of knowledge among the great body of the community might be confidently inferred, if a yet more remarkable fact was not supplied in the extent and application of the only legal provision for the poor themselves. In addition to the preceding national expenditure, for a series of many years, an average annual sum amounting to near twenty-six millions of dollars, has been levied in the several counties of England and Wales, for the clothing and subsistence of their indigent poor, while of this fund no part whatever has been bestowed upon their instruction. During this period the annual average of all the charitable donations from every other source to this object, has not much exceeded $330,000."

Mr. Speaker, I sincerely regret, sir, to be compelled to inform you, that I am physically exhausted, and reading, whilst engaged in speaking, is at all times particularly embarrassing to me: at present, sir, it is almost insupportable. Reading this long quotation, has absolutely put it out of my power to proceed. May I then ask the indulgence of the House, for the first time in my life, to postpone the discussion 'till to-morrow.

Mr. Speaker: I find myself this morning, in an unaccustomed dilemma. I find myself sir, progressing with a speech, which has already nearly exhausted the preceding day. I find too, sir, a great portion of the task, marked out for myself, still unaccomplished; and, sir, I acknowledge, that it appears too much like presumption on my part, to ask your kind indulgence for time to complete it. But, sir, I am impelled to proceed, from the conviction; that the subject is of the deepest interest to us all; to the whole human race; and at the same time, I labor under an equally strong conviction;

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that the momentous subject has not been sufficiently considered and that it is not generally understood by the American people. The most glimmering light, therefore, that could be thrown upon it, ought not to be withheld from them. I read you sir, yesterday, an authentic document, containing the most important information, bearing directly upon this subject. It is, information recently obtained, and but little known, even to the well informed in this country. I, therefore, presume it would not be unacceptable to the House, that I should read it again, connected with some additional sections. These sections, are as follow:

"If, therefore, an unparalleled accumulation of riches and power in all the forms most attracting to ordinary ambition, were a just standard of national happiness, the people of Great Britain, and especially of England, who govern the residue of this mighty empire, would be the most blessed on earth. Their present lot does indeed present the most splendid exhibition that the world has ever witnessed of the triumph of commerce in amassing wealth, but at the same time it is the most alarming evidence of the possible inequality of its distribution, and of the consequent prevalence of want, iguorance, vice, and misery."

It cannot escape observation, that here, the astonishing wealth of Great Britain, is ascribed to the operations of commerce; not to the restrictive system, which is at open war, with every attribute, and principle of commerce.

"There were returned to the British Parliament in 1824, for Enggland and Wales, but 120,000 qualified jurors out of a population which exceeded twelve and a half millions. Of the funded public debt due from the twenty-one millions of people inhabiting Great Britain and Ireland, amounting to seven hundred and thirty-seven, out of eight hundred and thirty-eight millions of pounds sterling, or to 3,275 millions of dollars, 280,000 persons are entitled to the whole, and consequently to the annually accruing interest upon it, of 115,500,000 dollars. These classes are not composed of distinct persons, since the fundholder is often a freeholder too, and they together own the far greater proportion, not only of the unfunded debt of nearly 450 millions more, but of all the moveable property of the nation. Behold in these particulars, therefore; a part of the evidences of the overgrown wealth of the rich.

Of the number and indigence of the poor, sum up the melancholy testimony that, at the period of the last British census, the occupants of three-fourths of all the inhabited houses in England and Wales, were unable to contribute to direct taxation:—that for a series of years, more than two-fifths of all the families who dwell in those habitations, amounting to five millions of people, were dependent for permanent or occasional relief upon the constrained charity of the residue that in some counties the relieved paupers comprised three-fourths of the entire population, and of the whole number of paupers provided for, more than ninety thousand families were actually in work-houses.

"In the eight years next preceding this census, the committals

for crime among this population mounted up from six thousand five hundred and seventy-five, to thirteen thousand one hundred and fifteen, or very nearly doubled; and in 1823, or two years after that census, the total county levy for the maintenance of jails, and houses of correction, approached in amount near a million of dollars.

"From the prevalence of pauperism and crime in a country, in which, of an annual expenditure of near three hundred millions of dollars, not one cent is bestowed on public education; the state of knowledge among the great body of the community might be confidently inferred, if a yet more remarkable fact was not supplied in the extent and application of the only legal provision for the poor themselves. In addition to the preceding national expenditure, for a series of many years, an average annual sum amounting to near twenty-six millions of dollars, has been levied in the several counties of England and Wales, for the clothing and subsistence of their indigent poor, while of this fund no part whatever has been bestowed upon their instruction. During this period the annual average of all the charitable donations from every other source to this object, has not much exceeded three hundred and thirty thousand dollars.

"It is not therefore at all surprising that the number of uneducated children in England and Wales, between the ages of five and fifteen years, computing those of the relieved poor, exceeds eleven hundred and fifty thousand, while the total number cannot fall far short of two millions. These, but for untimely deaths from accident, famine, and disease, or the fatal penalty of a bloody code of laws, would arrive at manhood untaught, and might die of age without reproof or consolation from the perusal of the oracles of God, which so much is annually expended by the same people, and so usefully too, in translating into foreign languages, and publishing to heathen lands. Amidst this scene of pauperism, ignorance, and crime, but in the absence of foreign war, or of scarcity from ungenerous seasons, in the plenitude of commercial prosperity, and after a great reduction of those taxes hitherto charged on the necessaries of life, spectacles are at this moment presented in England of human calamity more awful than the pestilence which walks unseen by day, and usually sparing the country, smites only towns and cities with death and mourning. Having filled South Britain with distress and alarm, they have extended their awful visitation, though in less threatening forms, to hardy, laborious, and frugal Scotland.

"No augmentation of mechanical power has counteracted, in the least, the dangerous consequences of this inequality of wealth and knowledge. Although the application to the arts of a single agent has superadded the effective operation of a hundred million of hands to the labor of the people of England, and diversified and cheapened the luxurious gratifications of the rich, it has not sensibly increased the leisure, nor multiplied the visible comforts of the poor.

"Machinery, the joint production of wealth and ingenuity, has given new employment to accumulated capital, and much enlarged its vast acquisitions. Aided by the growth of numbers, it has cheapened the wages of labor more than it has added to the enjoyments of

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