him, if not to have asserted the said duke's bastardy, yet to have been silent in the case, and not to have proclaimed the legitimacy. And yet that very lord, being in danger of an impeachment in parliament, for advising and persuading the king to a marriage with Queen Catharine, excused himself from all sinistrous ends in that affair, by affirming, that his majesty had a lawful son of his own by a former marriage (specifying by name the Duke of Monmouth) to succeed to his crown and dignity. Now, though it may be supposed that a person may sometimes lye for his interest, yet no man can be thought to do so, in order to the prejudice, as well of himself, as his whole posterity: and if we believe men speaking falsehoods, in subserviency to their honour and profit, shall we not give credit to them, when they speak truth to their own damage, and that of all those who are dear unto them? Certainly, the positive confession and testimony of this one person, being against the interest of his whole family, is of more weight, than the denials of any number whatsoever, when merely to promote their safety and advantage, or to serve the exaltation of the papal cause. These are but few of the many particulars I could acquaint your lordship with, relating to the confirmation of a marriage between the king and Mrs. Walters: but it is a piece of necessary wisdom, at this juncture, to know what not to say, as well as to understand what to say. And, to tell you plainly, I am more a servant and a friend to my country, than, by pretending to plead the duke's cause, and to be useful to the nation, to discover the witnesses which are in reserve, or betray the farther evidences, which are to be produced, when this matter shall come before a competent judica

ture.

Sixthly, it is matter of no small trouble, to such as truly love his majesty, that the king's integrity and honour should be brought to stake, in a matter, wherein both the present age, and the succeeding, may take occasion to question, and bring into examination, his truth and sincerity. For though it is not impossible, but that princes, considering the temptations with which they are surrounded, may sometimes, through inadvertency, and, at other times, upon state-motives, endeavour to impose upon the credulity, if not abuse the faith of their people yet the veracity of a supreme governor is of that importance to himself, and so necessary to the veneration which his people ought to maintain for him, that he is not to bring his credit to pawn, unless it be in such cases wherein his people may, if not apologise for, yet connive at the indiscretion and weakness of their ruler, should he be found to delude them. Nor hath any thing obstructed the affairs of princes more, and prevented their people's believing them, when they spoke their most inward thoughts, than the forfeiture of their credit in matters wherein their subjects relied upon the honour and truth of their word. For they who do not mean as they speak, when people are prepared to hear them, must not expect that their words should be much relied upon, when their tongues are the true interpreters of their minds. And let me tell your lordship, that this last declaration hath caused multitudes of his majesty's best subjects to reflect upon, and take a view of many of his former declarations, that from them they may be furnished with reasons for justifying themselves in the suspension of their assent to

this. And I wish there had not been that cause administered by fore. going ones, which may, with too many, lessen the value of the royal word, in that bearing date the second of June.

The first of this kind he ever published, after he came in view of being restored to the sovereignty over these kingdoms, was that dated at Breda, the fourth of April, 1660, wherein he promised liberty to all tender consciences, and engaged the sacred word of a king, that no man should be disquieted, or called in question, for differences in matter of religion, provided they did not disturb the peace of the kingdom. Now, though I will not dispute about the sense wherein this declara. tion was meant, nor concerning the end for which it was calculated and framed, yet this I may be allowed to say, that there are a great many of his majesty's liege people, who have tasted dealings directly repugnant unto it, and may justly complain of some failure in the accom plishment of it.

It is true, his majesty is not originally to be blamed, that it had not the hoped-for effects: but, withal, that prince, that can be over-ruled to recede from a promise which contributed so much to his happy and peaceable restoration, may be supposed capable of such impressions, from men of ill minds, as may make him venture his royal word, in other cases, beyond the measures of justice. But, seeing it were a busi. ness of too much fatigue, to call over all the declarations since his majesty actually occupied the British throne, I shall therefore remind your lordship only of two more: whereof, the first is that of January the second, 1671, wherein the king, upon shutting up the exchequer, declares, on the word of a prince, that the restraint, put upon payments out of the treasury, should continue no longer than till the last of December, 1672; and yet the fulfilling of this is still prorogued, though it be now above nine years since the royal word was pledged for making it good.

The other, that I shall refresh your memory with, is that of the twentieth of April, 1679, wherein his majesty, having shrived himself, and craved absolution for all past matters, solemnly declareth, that he would, for time to come, lay aside the use of any single ministry, or private advices, or foreign committees, for the general direction of his affairs; and that he would afterwards govern his kingdoms by the ad. vice of that council which he had then chosen, together with the fre quent use of his great council of parliament, as being the true and antient constitution of this state and government. Far be it from me to blame his majesty for the disappointment of those hopes which the people had so universally conceived upon that declaration, which was so full of ingenuity and candour, and so adapted to the honour, safety, and interest both of king and kingdom; but this may be said without the least umbrage of irreverence, that the same pestilent men, who were able to cause his majesty to violate such a declaration, wherein he spoke the most like a wise and good prince that ever he did, may be also able by the same ascendant influence to wrest an unadvised and bad one from him. The same councils which prevailed upon him to go against both his royal word, and all the maxims of policy with which he is so richly endowed; may they not likewise be conceived to have

over-ruled him in this, to speak against his knowledge and those moral principles of truth and justice, with which, when left to himself, he appears to be imbued? Nor do I doubt, but that, among other things they had in prospect to compass by this declaration, they hoped to shut his majesty out of the love of his best protestant subjects, so that, when brought to fall by their traitorous conspiracies, his death may be at once unlamented and unrevenged. But let them not flatter themselves; for, if there be any thing false or unjust in it, we ascribe it all to their rage against our laws and our religion, and do only complain of the king's facility in suffering himself to be so openly abused.

Seventhly, but whereas there is one thing in the declaration by which men of honest and easy minds, being unacquainted with the practices of the world, are apt to be somewhat startled; namely, The king's calling Almighty God to witness, and affirming, upon the faith of a Christian, that there was never any marriage, or contract of marriage, had or made between him and Mrs. Walters;' I think myself obliged to lay before you the sense and apprehensions which wisest heads have of that protestation and solemn appeal.

If, say they, neither the eye nor dread of God, nor the faith of a Christian, are effectual to restrain a person from adulteries and promiscuous scatterings, can we have any security that they will prevent such a one from the guilt of other crimes? he who neither trembleth, nor blusheth to proclaim his uncleannessess to all the world, will he forbear sins of any kind or hue out of principle, though he may possibly omit them by accident, and in compliance with interest?

It was a maxim of an antient ruler, that, as children are to be cousened with nuts, so men are to be deluded with asseverations and oaths. And upon this occasion they call to mind the character fastened upon Charles the Ninth of France, namely, that the surest symptoms, by which it was known when he spoke falsly, was the endeavouring to confirm what he said by the most dreadful imprecations, and execrable oaths. And what our own historians leave upon the memory of his royal majesty's own grandfather, in this point, I had rather you should learn from Wilson's History of King James, than be told by me. Besides, say others, who knoweth but that the king, through the like impression of fear, under which he lifted up his hand to the most high God at Scone, when crowned in Scotland, may have been influenced and over-awed to make this late appeal and protestation?

He who hath done one such thing, and especially with that solemnity and profession of sincerity wherewith he took the covenant; can it be otherwise apprehended but that he may do the like again, if there be sufficient cause for the same passion which biassed him against knowledge and conscience then? Nay, the utmost inducement that swayed and determined him, contrary to his judgment and light, to swear by the great God, in terms so august and awful in Scotland, was merely an apprehension of being otherwise secluded from his right over that kingdom; but it is more than probable, that no less than a dread of losing his life, as well as three kingdoms, hath necessitated him to this which he hath now done. Now it is but considering the seasons when the several declarations pronounced in council, and at last published to the

world, were made; and you will be soon convinced that they were extorted from him, partly by the necessity of his affairs, and partly by the frightful ascendancy which his brother bath obtained over him. For the first, which we are here in the print told of, was that made the sixth of January, 1678, when the condition and posture, wherein things then stood, made it indispensably needful that the king should oblige his brother to withdraw, and which the Duke of York, (though he knew that his stay here, at that time, would have, in all likelihood, involved his majesty under inextricable difficulties) refused to comply with, till he had wrested that declaration from him.

And for the second, which was made also in council, March 3, 1678, it is obvious to every considering man, and demonstrable to all the world, that it was the effect of that necessity which his majesty's affairs had reduced him unto. For the parliament being to meet the sixth of that month, and it appearing by the several returns of the persons elected to sit, that we were like to have a house of true English gentlemen, who would not only inspect the late popish plot, but enquire into the miscarriages of publick ministers: hereupon, as the duke threatened to retu, unless the king would make some fresh declaration, whereby, being pronounced and represented as next heir, he might be screened from the angry but just resentments of the nation; so divers persons at home, who knew themselves unpardonably criminal, applied their thoughts to find out a method, by which a misunderstanding might, in a short time, arise between the king and his parliament. And apprehending that the Duke of York could not possibly escape the animadversion of the house, all the treasons and crimes, whereof others were only guilty in their respective parts and proportions, meeting in him as so many lines in their center; they accordingly by threatening to make their own compositions, and to lay open all those matters which they conceived his majesty to be most sollicitous to have concealed, brought the king to make that declaration. Whereby having in effect signified the Duke of York to be the next in right to succeed, they reckoned they had wrought him to such an espousal of his brother, as must needs break all measures of fair correspondency with his parliament. And, as this was the principal thing they aimed at, so by denouncing still to provide for their own security, in detecting whatsoever they knew, they kept him to an adhesion to the declaration which he had made, and thereby not only embarrassed all his affairs, but so embroiled him with the house of commons, as that in a few weeks they compassed the dissolution of the parliament.

Having thus briefly represented unto your lordship, under what influence of necessity and fear, these declarations were at first made in council, I need not tell you through what impressions by the incessant importunity, and daily hectoring of his majesty by the duke, now at Windsor, they come at last to be printed and proclaimed to the world. The king, poor gentleman, is willing to buy his peace at any rates, and hath here staked his honour, not to say his conscience, for it? But as you know that neither concessions, declarations, nor alienations made by a person in duress, or under threatenings, or swayed by apprehensions of the hazard of his life, can oblige others, though they be such

as are wrapped up in or concluded by him, in all cases where he is supposed free; so, in plain English, the generality of the people, and those of the best sense, hold themselves no ways affected or prescribed unto by these declarations. For we, who knew the tenor of them when they lay concealed in the council-books, and yet thought ourselves at liberty to believe as our judgments conducted us, are not likely to have our minds altered by the bare printing of them. But, how far the conscience of the king is concerned or defiled, I leave to those of the theologick faculty to resolve; only I judge, that the same casuistical divinity whereby they salved the conscience and vindicated the honour of the king in the case of the covenant, and withal discharged him from the obligation which it was supposed to have put upon him, may, whensoever he thinks meet, stand him in good stead, and afford him the same relief in the case of the late declarations.

Eighthly, there is one thing farther that must not be omitted, because it gives us amazement, and yet affords us pleasant diversion; namely, the motive they have brought his majesty to alledge for his making and publishing this declaration. I confess I could not read it without surprize and wonderful emotion. And I dare say, when you think seriously of it, you will find pity stir in your heart to your abused prince, and your blood swell in your veins through indignation at some about him. For, after the care they have suffered him to take for preserving our religion, lives, and liberties, from the designs of the papists, by dissolving two parliaments, and so often proroguing a third, they bring him now to publish this declaration to relieve the minds of his loving subjects from their fears, and to prevent the ill consequences, which a belief of his having been married to the Duke of Monmouth's mother may have in future times upon the peace of these kingdoms. A most proper way to extinguish our fears, by doing all that he can, to subject us hereafter to one who is the professed enemy of our established religion and legal government. But that your lordship may the better comprehend how highly we are obliged to his majesty for his love and tenderness to his people in all that they judge dear and valuable, by designing so hopeful a successor over them; I shall recount some of those many particulars from which we esteem ourselves capable of judging what a gracious and desirable prince this dear and beloved brother is like to prove.

1. He is a gentleman that hath renounced the religion wherein he was not only educated, and which these nations profess, but which he had consigned unto him sealed with the blood of his father, and entailed upon him and the whole line by no less than his grandfather's curse, in case any of old James's offspring should depart from it.

2. He hath made it his business to seduce his majesty's subjects to the papal faith, and to enslave them to a foreign jurisdiction. And, by his addresses, sollicitations, and preferments, wherewith he is able to reward such mercenary souls, as are ready to make sale of their religion, he hath made more converts to the church of Rome, than all the English missionaries have been able to do.

3. Through the power which he hath obtained over the king, he hath procured the chiefest places of strength, in the nation, and some of the