he stands, he is obliged to have recourse to these artifices to mislead the judgment, and support for a time his unjustifiable measures by deceit and imposition. I wish only to meet and combat his charges and allegations fairly and openly; and I have repeatedly and urgently demanded to be furnished with copies of those parts of his fabricated records relative to myself; but as he well knows I should refute his sophistry, I cannot be surprised at his refusal, though I lament that it prevents you, gentlemen, from a clear investigation of his conduct towards me.

"Inclosed you have a translation of an arzee from the killidar of Vellore: I have thousands of the same kind; but this just now received will serve to give you some idea of the miseries brought upon this my devoted country, and the wretched inhabitants that remain in it, by the oppressive hand of Lord Macartney's management; nor will the embezzlements of collections thus obtained, when brought before you in proof, appear less extraordinary, which shall certainly be done in due time."

Translation of an Arzee, in the Persian Language, from Uzzeem ul Doen Cawn, the Killidar of Vellore, to the Nabob, dated 1st September, 1783. Inclosed in the Nabob's Letter to the Court of Directors, September, 1783.

"I HAVE repeatedly represented to your highness the violences and oppressions exercised by the present amildar [collector of revenue] of Lord Macartney's appointment, over the few remaining inhabitants of the districts of Vellore, Ambore, Saulguda, &c.

"The outrages and violences now committed are of that astonishing nature as were never known or heard of during the administration of the circar. Hyder Naik, the cruellest of tyrants, used every kind of oppression in the circar countries; but even his measures were not like those now pursued. Such of the inhabitants as had escaped the sword and pillage of Hyder Naik, by taking refuge in the woods, and within the walls of Vellore, &c. on the arrival of Lord Macartney's amildar to Vellore, and in consequence of his cowle of protection and support, most cheerfully returned to the villages, set about the cultivation of the lands, and with great pains rebuilt their cottages. But now the amildar has imprisoned the wives and children of the inhabitants, seized the few jewels that were on the bodies of the women, and then before the faces of their husbands, flogged them, in order to make them pro

[The above-recited practices, or practices similar to them, have prevailed in almost every part of the miserable countries on the coast of Coromandel, for nearly twenty years past. That they prevailed as strongly and generally as they could prevail, under the administration of the nabob, there can be no question, notwithstanding the assertion in the beginning of the above petition, nor will it ever be otherwise, whilst atlairs are conducted upon the principles which influence the present system. Whether the particulars here asserted are true or false, neither the court of directors nor their ministry have thought proper to enquire. If they are true, in order to bring them to affect Lord Macartney, it ought to be proved that the complaint was made to him; and that he had refused redress. Instead of this fair course, the com

duce other jewels and effects, which he said they had buried somewhere under ground, and to make the inhabitants bring him money, notwithstanding there was yet no cultivation in the country. Terrified with the flagellations, some of them produced their jewels, and wearing apparel of the women, to the amount of ten or fifteen pagodas, which they had hidden; others, who declared they had none, the amildar flogged their women severely, tied cords around their breasts, and tore the sucking children from their teats, and exposed them to the scorching heat of the sun. Those children died, as did the wife of RamSOUMY, an inhabitant of Bringpoor. Even this could ex stir up compassion in the breast of the amildar. Some of the children that were somewhat large he exposed to sale. In short, the violences of the amildar are so astonishing, that the people, t seeing their present situation, remember the loss of Hyder with regret. With whomsoever the amidr finds a single measure of natehince, or rice, be takes it away from him, and appropriates it to the expences of the Sybindy that he keeps up. N revenues are collected from the countries, be from the effects of the wretched inhabitants poor Those ryots [yeomen] who intended to return t their habitations, hearing of those violences, hare fled for refuge, with their wives and children, int Hyder's country. Every day is ushered in and closed with these violences and disturbances. have no power to do any thing; and who hear what I have to say? My business is to inform your highness, who are my master. The people bring their complaints to me, and I tell them i will write to your highness.'

Translation of a Tellinga Letter from Veira Pe maul, Head Dubash to Lord Macartney, in own hand-writing, to Rajah Ramchunda, tr renter of Ongole; dated 25th of the Hind month Mausay, in the year Plavanamal, corresponding to 5th March, 1782.

I PRESENT my respects to you, and am ve well here, wishing to hear frequently of your we fare.

Your peasher Vancatroyloo has brought the Visseel Bakees, and delivered them to me, as cise what you sent him for me to deliver to my master, which I have done. My master at first refuse to take it, because he is unacquainted with you disposition, or what kind of a person you are But after I made encomiums on your goodne and greatness of mind, and took my oath to te same, and that it would not become publià,

plaint is carried to the court of directors. The above is s the documents transmitted by the nabob, in proof of his chore corruption against Lord Macartney. If genuine, it is co at least against Lord Macartney's principal agent and ma If it be forgery (as in all likelihood it is) it is conclusive & the nabob and his evil counsellors, and fully demonstrates thing further were necessary to demonstrate, the necessity clause in Mr. Fox's bill prohibiting the residence of the t princes in the company's principal settlements, which cla for obvious reasons, not admitted into Mr. Pitt's. It s the absolute necessity of a severe and exemplary punishmen certain of his English evil counsellors and creditors, by w such practices are carried on.]

MR. BURKE'S Speech on the report of the army estimates has not been correctly stated in some of the publick papers. It is of consequence to him not to be misunderstood. The matter which incidentally came into discussion is of the most serious importance. It is thought that the heads and substance of the speech will answer the purpose sufficiently. If in making the abstract, through defect of memory, in the person who now gives it, any difference at all should be perceived from the speech as it was spoken, it will not, the editor imagines, be found in any thing which may amount to a retraction of the opinions he then maintained, or to any softening in the expressions in which they were conveyed.

Mr. Burke spoke a considerable time in answer to various arguments which had been insisted upon by Mr. Grenville and Mr. Pitt, for keeping an encreased peace establishment, and against an improper jealousy of the ministers, in whom a full confidence, subject to responsibility, ought to be placed on account of their knowledge of the real situation of affairs; the exact state of which it frequently happened that they could not disclose, without violating the constitutional and political secrecy, necessary to the well-being of their country.

Mr. Burke said in substance, That confidence might become a vice, and jealousy a virtue, according to circumstances. That confidence, of all publick virtues, was the most dangerous, and jealousy in an house of commons, of all publick vices, the most tolerable; especially where the number and the charge of standing armies, in time of peace, was the question.

That in the annual mutiny bill, the annual army

was declared to be for the purpose of preserving the balance of power in Europe. The proprie of its being larger or smaller depended, therefore upon the true state of that balance. If the encreas of peace establishments demanded of parliame agreed with the manifest appearance of the b lance; confidence in ministers, as to the parti lars, would be very proper. If the encrease w not at all supported by any such appearance; thought great jealousy might be, and ought to b entertained on that subject.

That he did not find, on a review of all Europe. that, politically, we stood in the smallest degree danger from any one state or kingdom it contared; nor that any other foreign powers than own allies were likely to obtain a considera preponderance in the scale.

That France had hitherto been our first obje in all considerations concerning the balance power. The presence or absence of France to tally varied every sort of speculation relative to that balance.

That France is, at this time, in a political liz to be considered as expunged out of the syster. Europe. Whether she could ever appear ia again as a leading power, was not easy to dete mine but at present he considered France as n politically existing; and most assuredly it work take her much time to restore her to her for active existence-Gallos quoque in bellis forms audivimus, might possibly be the language of the rising generation. He did not mean to deny that it was our duty to keep our eye on that nate, and to regulate our preparation by the symptoms of her recovery.

That it was to her strength, not to her form of

(Mr. Fox) had dropped even a word expressive of exultation on that circumstance; or that he seemed of opinion that the objection from standing armies was at all lessened by it. He attributed this opinion of Mr. Fox entirely to his known zeal for the best of all causes, Liberty. That it was with a pain inexpressible he was obliged to have even the shadow of a difference with his friend, whose authority would always be great with him, and with all thinking people-Quæ maxima semper censetur nobis, et erit quæ maxima semper.-His confidence in Mr. Fox was such, and so ample, as to be almost implicit. That he was not ashamed to avow that degree of docility. That when the choice is well made, it strengthens instead of oppressing our intellect. That he who calls in the aid of an equal understanding doubles his own. He who profits of a superiour understanding raises his powers to a level with the height of the superiour understanding he unites with. He had found the benefit of such a junction, and would not lightly depart from it. He wished almost, on all occasions, that his sentiments were understood to be conveyed in Mr. Fox's words; and he wished, as amongst the greatest benefits he could wish the country, an eminent share of power to that right honourable gentleman; because he knew, that, to his great and masterly understanding, he had joined the greatest possible degree of that natural moderation, which is the best corrective of power; that he was of the most artless, candid, open, and benevolent disposition; disinterested in the extreme; of a temper mild and placable even to a fault; without one drop of gall in his whole constitution.

That the house must perceive, from his coming forward to mark an expression or two of his best friend, how anxious he was to keep the distemper of France from the least countenance in England, where he was sure some wicked persons had shewn a strong disposition to recommend an imitation of the French spirit of reform. He was so strongly opposed to any the least tendency towards the means of introducing a democracy like theirs, as well as to the end itself, that much as it would afflict him, if such a thing could be attempted, and that any friend of his could concur in such measures, (he was far, very far, from believing they could,) he would abandon his best friends, and join with his worst enemies to oppose either the means or the end; and to resist all violent exertions of the spirit of innovation, so distant from all principles of true and safe reformation; a spirit well calculated to overturn states, but perfectly

unfit to amend them.

That he was no enemy to reformation. Almost every business in which he was much concerned, from the first day he sat in that house to that hour, was a business of reformation; and when he had not been employed in correcting, he had been employed in resisting, abuses. Some traces of this spirit in him now stand on their statute book. In his opinion, any thing which unnecessarily tore to pieces the contexture of the state, not only pre

vented all real reformation, but introduced evils which would call, but perhaps call in vain, f new reformation.

That he thought the French nation very unwise. What they valued themselves on, was a disgrace to them. They had gloried (and some people i England had thought fit to take share in the glory) in making a revolution; as if revolutio were good things in themselves. All the horros and all the crimes, of the anarchy which led to the revolution, which attend its progress, and which may virtually attend it in its establishment, p for nothing with the lovers of revolutions. T French have made their way, through the destra tion of their country, to a bad constitution, wie they were absolutely in possession of a good one They were in possession of it the day the states in separate orders. Their business, had they be either virtuous or wise, or had they been left: their own judgment, was to secure the stabi and independence of the states, according to the orders, under the monarch on the throne. It wa then their duty to redress grievances.

Instead of redressing grievances, and improve the fabrick of their state, to which they were cl by their monarch, and sent by their country, the were made to take a very different course. Tr first destroyed all the balances and counterpa which serve to fix the state, and to give it a ste direction; and which furnish sure correctives any violent spirit which may prevail in any of orders. These balances existed in their oldest c stitution; and in the constitution of this court and in the constitution of all the countries in E rope. These they rashly destroyed, and then th melted down the whole into one incongruous, connected mass.

When they had done this, they instantly, with the most atrocious perfidy and breach of faith among men, laid the axe to the root of a property, and consequently of all national perity, by the principles they established, and example they set, in confiscating all the possess of the church. They made and recorded a so institute and digest of anarchy, called the right man, in such a pedantick abuse of elementary ciples as would have disgraced boys at school this declaration of rights was worse than tri and pedantick in them; as by their name and thority they systematically destroyed every 1 of authority by opinion, religious or civil, on minds of the people. By this mad declaration subverted the state; and brought on such cal ties as no country, without a long war, base been known to suffer; and which may in the produce such a war, and perhaps, many such

With them the question was not between d potism and liberty. The sacrifice they mad the peace and power of their country was made on the altar of freedom, Freedom, ar better security for freedom than that they taken, they might have had without any sat at all. They brought themselves into all the lamities they suffer, not that through them th