and was celebrated with universal rejoic- And now the attemped vindication by the ings-even the Catholics joining in the Irish Legislature of its right to vote, or general joy, for they felt instinctively that not vote, its own money, was only the it was the weight of English predominance occasion of a high-handed royal outrage, which kept them in their degraded po- trampling upon every pretence of consition, and necessarily sympathized with stitutional law; and Irish "Patriots," if every struggle against that. Yet after unanswerable in their arguments, were all, this spirited conduct of the Commons impotent to make them good in fact was but an impotent protest; for the for "the arguments on both sides were public service was now left wholly un-invincible." It is, in truth, impossible provided for, the circulation of money to avoid assent to the conclusions of almost ceased, trade and business suffered, Lord Clare (not O'Brien, King James's and a clamour soon arose, not more against Lord Clare, but Fitzgibbon, King the Government than against the Patriots. George's Lord Clare), in his often-quoted Thus the Court party had its revenge. speech fifty years later, in so far as he The lord-lieutenant took the whole sur- demonstrated the anomalous and untenaplus revenue out of the treasury by virtue ble relation between the two Parliaments of a "royal letter;" so the king, after all, of England and of Ireland. The English not only consented to the act, but did the Protestant colony in Ireland, which asact wholly himself; and Speaker Boyle pired to be a nation, amounted to something was removed from his seat at the Privy under half a million of souls in 1754.* Council, and Malone's patent of prece- It was out of the question that it should dence as prime sergeant was annulled. be united on a footing of equality with its The viceroy and the primate took care potent mother country, by "the golden to put some mark of royal displeasure link of the crown," because the wearer of upon every one who had voted down the that crown was sure to be guided in his Supply Bill; and it may be doubted policy by English ministers, in accordance whether the English interest did not gain with English interests; and as the army a more decisive victory by thus trampling was the king's army, he could always with impunity upon all constitutional enforce that policy. The fatal weakness forms, than if the Irish Parliament had of the colony was, that it would not quietly submitted to the servile form pre- amalgamate with the mass of the Irish scribed to it. There was no visible people, so as to form a true nation, but remedy; the mob of Dublin might hoot set up the vain pretenstion to hold down the viceroy when his coach appeared in a whole disfranchised people with one the streets; they could threaten and mob hand, and defy all England with the other. the primate or Hutchinson, or others who were conspicuous in asserting the obnoxious royal prerogative; yet they had no alternative but to submit. In the discussion of this question we might repeat the words of Swift when speaking of the case of Molyneux: "The love and torrent of power prevailed. Indeed, the arguments on both sides were invincible. For, in reason, all government without the consent of the governed is the very definition of slavery; but, in fact, eleven men well armed will certainly subdue one single man in his shirt."

Up to this period we have invariably found the struggles of the colony to take rank as a nation-of its Parliament to assert its independence-successfully resisted and triumphantly crushed down. The assertion of the jurisdiction of the Irish lords in the case of "Sherlock and Annesley" was instantly followed by the Declaratory Act, which enacted that the Irish lords had no jurisdiction at all. The more anxiously our Irish Parliament affirmed its sovereign right, the more systematically were acts passed by the English Parliament to bind Ireland.

Still the colonists were multiplying and growing rich; and happily for them, England was on the eve of disaster and humiliation; and a quarter of a century later a gracious opportunity was to arise which gave them real independence for at least a few years.

CHAPTER XII.

1753-1760.

Unpopularity of the Duke of Dorset.-Earl of Kildare.-His Address.-Patriots in power.Pension List.-Duke of Bedford lord-lieutenant.Case of Saul.-Catholic meeting in Dublin.— Commencement of Catholic agitation.-Address of the Catholics received.-First recognition of the Catholics as subjects.-Lucasian mobs.Project of Union.-Thurot's expedition.-Death of George II- Population.-Distress of the country. Operation of the Penal Laws.-The Geoghegans. Catholic Petition. - Berkeley's Querist."

AFTER these high-handed measures of the
English ministry, of which Dorset was but

We take the estimate of the entire population
manac and Directory.
for that year from the tables in Thom's official Al-
For 1754 it is estimated at
2,372,634 men, women, and children. At the rate
of five Catholics to one Protestant (which is Dr.
Boulter's estimate), the active part of the population
was under half a million. The rest was assumed
by law not to exist in the world.

especially exposed the insolent behaviour of Dorset's son, Lord George Sackville, in mischievously meddling with all the public affairs of the kingdom.

the instrument, he became intolerable to
the people of Dublin, as well as his son,
Lord George Sackville, the primate, and
every one professing "to do the king's
business in Ireland." The duke, even
before being recalled, found it necessary
to go over to England, partly to avoid the
odium of the Irish, but chiefly to take
care of his interests and those of his
family at the court. The colonial patriot-
ism ran high; the mob of Dublin became
"Lucasian."
* *
The primate durst not
appear on the streets; and the manner
was then first introduced of expressing,
by toasts, at private supper parties, some
stirring patriotic sentiment or keen in-
vective against the administration, in
terse language, which would pass from
mouth to mouth, and thence get into the
newspapers. One of these toasts was,
"May all Secretary-Bashaws and lordly
high-priests be kept to their tackle, the
sword and the Bible." Another was,
"May the importation of Ganymedes into
Ireland be discontinued," which was an
allusion to unnameable vices attributed to
Primate Stone.
|

However, the chief interest of the struggle between court and country was now, for the moment, transferred to the cabinets and antechambers of ministers at London. The Earl of Kildare, afterwards Duke of Leinster, a high-spirited nobleman, as became his Geraldine blood, was moved with indignation at the late proceedings in his country; for the Geraldines had always considered themselves Irish, and long before these Cromwellian and Williamite colonists had appeared in the island his ancestors were not only Irish and chiefs of Clan-Geralt, but were even reproached as being actually more Irish than the Irish. Of course, the family had long ago "conformed," like most of the O'Briens and De Burghos, and many other ancient tribes of French and Irish stock; otherwise the Earl could not have sat in Parliament, nor taken the bold step which so much astonished British courtiers at this period. He went over to London, had an audience of the king, and presented him with his own hand an address of remonstrance from himself against the whole course of the Irish Government under Lord Dorset. This document spoke very plainly to the king; told him "his loyal kingdom of Ireland wore a face of discontent;" that this discontent proceeded not from faction, but from the malfeasance of ministers; it complained of the odious duumvirate of the primate and the viceroy; compared the latter with Strafford, the former with Laud and Wolsey, and

Ministers were surprised at what they considered the boldness of this proceeding. The Earl of Holderness writes to the Irish Chancellor Jocelyn, "My good lord chancellor-I am not a little concerned that the noble Earl of Kildare should take so bold a step as he may repent hereafter. He was but ill received, and very coolly dismissed, as, indeed, the presumption well merited; for why should his majesty receive any remonstrances concerning his kingdom or government, but from the proper ministers, or through the usual channels, namely, both Houses of Parliament! I desire my compliments may attend his grace, my lord primate, and wish him success in all laudable endeavours for poor Ireland." But, in fact, although the earl's address was spoken of generally as an act of temerity, "which nothing but the extreme mildness of government could allow to remain unpunished," yet it appears he felt extremely easy about these hints of danger to himself. If it be true that he was " coolly dismissed" from the royal audience, yet the government of Ireland was very quickly modelled upon his views, or almost placed substantially in his hands. Dorset was soon recalled, and was succeeded by the Lord Hartington, a personal and political ally of Kildare. Mr. Plow den alleges, and the result seems to confirm it, that this viceroy came over to Ireland leagued by a secret treaty with the Patriot party, through the intermediation of Lord Kildare, and in especial had a clear understanding with Boyle and Malone. Stone was removed from the privy council; Boyle was made Earl of Shannon, and entered the Upper House, accepting at the same time a pension of £2,000 for thirty-one years. Ponsonby was elected Speaker in his place. The system of the English Court was now to buy up the Patriots with place and patronage. Even Malone was promised the succession to Boyle as Chancellor of the Exchequer; but the public, and his own respectable family, raised such an outcry against this that he was ashamed to accept it, and declined. Boyle continued nominal chancellor, and Malone condescended to receive the profits of the place. We hear but little more of any trouble given to English rule by this band of Irish Patriots, and the bitter reflection of Thomas MacNevin upon the whole transaction seems well justified. "Despotism, without corruption, was not con

sidered as a fit exemplar of government, making personal and ungracious reference and the matter for the present terminated to the private concerns of members of by a title and a pension conferred on the Parliament, but stating in general terms greatest patriot of the day. Henry Boyle that the pension list had become altobore about the blushing honours of his gether too enormous; that it had been public virtue, emblazoned on the coronet increased since the 23rd of March, 1755 of the Earl of Shannon. The primate-that is, within one year-by no less did not fare so well; he was removed from the privy council. The rest of the Patriots found comfortable retreats in various lucrative offices, and the most substantial compliments were paid to those who were noisiest in their patriotism and fiercest in their opposition."

In 1756 the lord-lieutenant, now Duke of Devonshire, after having thus gratified the "Patriots," returned to England in delicate health-leaving as lords-justices, Jocelyn, lord chancellor, and the Earls of Kildare and Bessborough.

than £28,103 per annum; that these pensions were lavished upon foreigners, and upon people not resident in Ireland; and that all this was a loss and injury to the nation and to his majesty's service. Upon these resolutions, which did not touch too closely the Patriots' own private arrangements, there was a patriotic struggle, and even a patriotic triumph. The resolutions were passed, and were presented by Speaker Ponsonby to the viceroy, with the usual request that they should be transmitted to the king. He only replied that the matter was of too high a nature for

It is painful to be obliged to admit that the transferrence of the power and pat-him to promise at once that he would ronage of the Irish Government into the forward such resolutions. Thereupon the hands of the Patriots was not productive of Speaker returned to the House and reany wholesome effect whatsoever-neither ported his reception. It was determined in favour of the Catholic masses (for the to make a stand, and next day a motion Patriots were their mortal enemies), nor was made that all orders not yet proceeded in favour of public virtue and morality, on should be adjourned, the House not for nobody demands to be bought at so having yet received any answer from the high a price as a patriot. Accordingly, lord-lieutenant as to the transmission of we soon find the whole attention of Parlia-their resolutions. This, of course, meant ment and of the country absorbed by that they would vote no supplies until inquiries into the enormously increased they should be satisfied on that point. pension list upon the Irish Establishment. The motion to adjourn everything was În March, 1756, some member (unpen-carried, by a strict party vote-those in sioned) of the Commons, introduced a favour of the resolutions voting for the bill to vacate the seats of such members adjournment, and those opposed to them of the House of Commons as should accept any pension or civil office of profit from the Crown. It was voted down by a vote of eighty-five to fifty-nine-a fatal and ominous warning to the nation. On the day when that measure was debated, a return of pensions was brought in and In September, 1757, the Duke of Bedread. Many of the first names in Ireland ford came over as lord-lieutenantappear upon the shameful list; many specially instructed by Mr. Pitt to go foreigners or Englishmen; few or no upon the conciliatory policy. He was to meritorious servants of the state. The employ all softening and healing arts of Countess of Yarmouth stood upon that government. In fact, it is to the Duke of return for £4000; Mr. Bellingham Boyle, Bedford's administration we are to go a near relative of the illustrious Pat-back for the commencement of that wellriot," for £800 "during pleasure" (that is, so long as he should make himself generally useful), and the Patriot himself, now Earl of Shannon, closed up the list with his pension of £2000 a year.

Although the bill to vacate the seats of pensioners was lost, the revelations of prevailing corruption were so gross that certain other members of Parliament not yet pensioned, again returned to the charge upon this popular grievance. A series of resolutions was, in fact, reported by the committee on public accounts, not, indeed,

voting against it. The lord-lieutenant immediately sent a message that he would transmit the resolutions without delay. Thus a small patriotic victory was gained without any one being injured, for nothing whatsoever came of these resolutions.

known Whig policy, of making use of the Patriotic Irish party, and even of the Catholics themselves, in support of the Whig party in England. There had been lately a considerable aggravation of the sufferings of the Catholics under the penal laws; the gentleness and forbearance exercised towards them during Chesterfield's vice-royalty had no longer a sufficient reason and motive; the halcyon days of connivance and extra-legal toleration were over, and the Catholics were once more under the full pressure of

the laws "for preventing the growth of very variously appreciated by Irishmen, Popery." in accordance with their different ideas A remarkable example of this low as to the policy and duty of a nation held condition of the Catholics occurred the in so degrading a bondage. It became year following. A young Catholic girl known, during the administration of named O'Toole was importuned by some Lord Bedford, that the Jacobites in of her friends to conform to the Esta-France were preparing another expedition blished Church; to avoid this persecution, for a descent somewhere on the British she took refuge in the house of another coast, or Ireland; and on the 29th of friend and relative, a Catholic merchant October, 1759, the lord-lieutenant dein Dublin, named Saul. Legal proceed-livered a message to Parliament, in .ngs were at once taken against Mr. Saul, which he stated that he had received a in the name of a Protestant connection letter from Mr. Secretary Pitt, written of the young lady. Of course, the trial by the king's express command, informwent against Saul; and on this occasioning him that France was preparing a new he was assured from the bench that Papists had no rights, inasmuch as "the law did not presume a Papist to exist in the kingdom; nor could they so much as breathe there without the connivance of Government." And the court was right, for such was actually the "Law," or what passed for law in Ireland at that time.

invasion, and desiring him to exhort the Irish people to show on this occasion their tried loyalty and attachement to the House of Hanover. Immediately an address, testifying the most devoted “ loyalty," was prepared by the Catholic Committee. It was written by Charles O'Conor, and signed by three hundred of On the arrival of the Duke of Bedford the most respectable Catholic inhabitants there had even been prepared, by some of Dublin. But here a difficulty arose; members of Parliament, the "heads of a Catholics were not citizens, nor subjects; bill" for a new and more stringent penal they were not supposed to exist at all; law regulating the registration of priests, other attempts they had made to testify and intended to put an effectual end, by their "loyalty" had been repulsed with dreadful penalties, to the regular course the most insolent disdain; and they knew of hierarchical church government, which well they were exposing themselves to had, up to that time, been carried on another humiliation of the same kind on regularly, though clandestinely and the present occasion. However, two bold against the law. The menace of this Papists undertook to present the address new law and the late proceedings re- to Ponsonby, Speaker of the House of respecting Mr Saul, caused a good deal Commons. These were Antony Macof agitation and excitement among the Dermott and John Crump. They waited Catholics, and the leading people of that on the Speaker and read him the loyal religion in Dublin even ventured to hold manifesto. Mr. Ponsonby, a Whig and a small meetings in an obscure manner, to Patriot," took the document, laid it on consult on the best way of meeting the the table, and said not one word, and fresh atrocities which were now threaten- bowed the delegates out. There were a ed. In these preliminary meetings two few days of agitated suspense; and then, factions at once developed themselves; on the 10th of December, the lord-lieuthe long period of unacquaintance with tenant sent a gracious answer. He did all political and civil life had rendered more; he caused his answer to be printed the Catholic people almost incapable of in the Dublin Gazette, thereby officially efficient organization and co-operation; recognizing the existence (though humble) and so they divided forthwith into two of persons calling themselves Catholics in parties-the one led by Lord Trimbleston, Ireland. The Speaker then sent for the the other by Dr. Fitzsimon. At length two gentlemen who had presented the certain of the more rational and moderate address, and ordered Mr. MacDermott to leaders of the Catholics, Charles O'Conor, read it to the House. Mr. MacDermott of Belanagar; Dr. Curry, author of the read it, and then thanked the Speaker, in Historical Review of the Civil Wars; Mr. the name of the Irish Catholics, for his Wyse, a Waterford merchant, together condescension, Mr. Ponsonby most grawith Lords Fingal, Taafe, and Delvin, ciously replied "that he counted it a originated a new movement by a meeting favour to be put in the way of serving so in Dublin, which established the first respectable a body as the gentlemen who "Catholic Committee," and commenced had signed that address." The Catholics, that career of "agitation" which has since then, for the first time since the Treaty of been carried to such great lengths. The Limerick, were publicly and officially adfirst performances of this Catholic Committed to be in a species of existence. mittee have been, and will always be, Here was a triumph!

without military aid, and, for the first time, zealous patriotic Protestants of the English colony were ridden down by the king's troops. The anti-union demonstra

testant, and the Catholics of Dublin made haste to clear themselves of all complicity in it. An inquiry was instituted in Parliament to ascertain who were the authors and promoters of the disturbance; and

In fact, this recognition of Irish Cath>lics as a part of the King of England's subjects was a kind of admission of that body over the threshold of the temple of civil and constitutional freedom. Wtion was essentially and exclusively Promay feel indignant at the extreme humility of the proceedings of the committee, and lament that the low condition of our countrymen at that time left them no alternative but that of professing a hypocritical "loyalty" to their oppressors; on that occasion, as some of the very for the only other alternative was secret organization to prepare an insurrection for the total extirpation of the English colony in Ireland, and, carefully disarmed as the Catholics were, they doubtless felt this to be an impossible project. Yet, for the honour of human nature, it is necessary to state the fact that this profession of loyalty to a king of England was in reality insincere. Hypocrisy, in such a case, is less disgraceful than would have been a genuine canine attachment to the hand that smote and to the foot that kicked.

persons guilty in that respect did, by their interest in both Houses, endeavour to fix the odium of it on the obnoxious Papists (to which conscious untruth and calumny the war then carrying on against France gave some kind of colour), the Catholics thought it high time publicly to vindicate their characters from that and every other vile suspicion of disloyalty, by an address to his grace the lord-lieutent, testifying their warmest gratitude for the lenity they experienced under his majesty's Government, and their readiness to concur with the faithfulest and most zealous of his mayesty's other subjects, in opposing, by every means in their power, all, both foreign and domestic, enemies.*

On the same occasion Prime Sergeant Stannard, of the "Patriot" party, a gentleman of high honour and probity, in his speech in the House of Commons, contrasting the riotous conduct of the Lucas

The real object of the conciliatory policy which the Duke of Bedford was instructed to pursue towards the Catholics was not only to give additional strength to the Whig party in England, but also to prepare the way for a legislative union between the two countries; in other words, a complete absorption and extinguishment of the shadowy nationali y of Ireland in the more real and proper na-ians (as they were then called after their tionality of her "sister country," and even chief), with the quiet and dutiful behaviour so early as the time of Bedford's adminis- of the Roman Catholics, in that and other tration the English ministry had begun to dangerous conjunctures, gave the followcount upon the Catholics as an anti-Irish ing testimony in favour of these latter: element which might be used to crush the "We have lived amicably and in harmony rising aspirations of colonial nationality. among ourselves, and without any material Rumours began to be current in Dublin that party distinctions, for several years past, a project was on foot to destroy the Irish till within these few months; and during Parliament and effect a union with Great the late wicked rebellion in Scotland, we Britain, similar to that which had been had the comfort and satisfaction to see made with Scotland; and the people of the that all was quiet here. And to the metropolis became violently excited. On honour of the Roman Catholics be it rethe 3rd of December, in this year (1759), membered, that not a man of them moved the mob rose and surrounded the Houses of tongue, pen, or sword, upon the then or Parliament with loud outcries. When a 1y the present occasion; and I am glad to member was seen arriving they stopped find that they have a grateful and proper him, and obliged him to swear that he sense of the mildness and moderation of would oppose a union. The lord chan- our Government. For my part, while cellor and some of the bishops wre they behave with duty and allegiance to hustled and maltreated, and one member the present establishment, I shall hold of the privy council was flung into he Liffey. The tumult became so dangerous that at length Mr. Speaker Ponsonby, and Mr. Rigby, the secretary, were obliged to make their appearance in the portico of the House, and solemnly assure the people that no union was in contemplation, and that, if such a measure were proposed, they would resist it to the last extremity. The riot, however, was not suppressed

them as men in equal esteem with others in every point but one; and while their private opinion interferes not with public tranquility, I think their industry and allegiance ought to be encouraged."

It deserves remark, then, that on this first occasion when a project of legislative union was really entertained by an English ministry, the "Patriot" party, which * Curry's Review.