escape the curious eye of the lawyers and legislators of the "Ascendency." In fact we have not yet advanced far beyond the threshold of the Penal Laws.

CHAPTER IV.

1698-1702.

Predominance of the English Parliament.-Moly

neux. Decisive action of the English Parliament. -Court and country parties.-Suppression of woollen manufacture.-Commission of confiscated estates. Its revelations.-Vexation of King William.-Peace of Ryswick.-Act for establishing the Protestant succession. - Death of William.

English found themselves included in all the severities of the penal laws, along with the primeval Scotic people, and they had now their full proportion in the ranks of the military adventurers who sought service on the continent. Accordingly, among the distinguished names of the Irish brigades, by the side of the Milesian Sarsfields, O'Briens, and O'Donnells, we find the Norman-descended Dillons, Roches, and Fitzgeralds. Of the amount of that great emigration it is difficult to procure any very exact idea; but on this subject there is no better authority than the learned Abbé MacGeoghegan, who was chaplain in the brigade, and who devoted himself to the task of recording the history of his country. He affirms that researches in the office of the French War Department show that from the arrival of the Irish troops in France, in 1691, to WHILE the ancient Irish nation lay in the year 1745 (the year of Fontenoy), this miserable condition of utter nullity, more than four hundred and fifty thou- the Protestant colony continued its efforts sand Irishmen died in the service of to vindicate its independence of the ImFrance. The statement may seem almost perial Parliament, but without much sucincredible; especially as Spain and Aus-cess. Not only was its parliament comtria had also their share of our military pelled to send over to London the "heads" exiles; but, certain it is, the expatriation of the very best and choicest of the Irish people was now on a very large scale; and the remaining population, deprived of their natural chiefs, became still more helpless in the hands of their enemies. Baron Macaulay, whose language is never too courteous in speaking of the Irish, takes evident delight in dwelling on the abject condition of the great body of the nation at this time. He calls them "Pariahs;" compares their position, in the disputes between the English and the Irish parliament, with that of "the Red Indians in the dispute between Old England and New England about the Stamp Act;" mentions with complacency, that Dean Swift "no more considered himself as an Irishman than an Englishman born at Calcutta considers himself as a Hindoo;" and says very truly, though coarsely, that none of the "patriots" of the seventeenth century "ever thought of appealing to the native population-they would as soon have thought of appealing to the swine." The truth is, that most of the choicest intellect and energy of the Irish race were now to be looked for at the courts of Versailles, Madrid, and Vienna, or under the standards of France on every battle-field of Europe. The Catholics of Ireland may be said, at this date, to disappear from political history, and so remained till the era of the volunteering.

Obscure and despised as they were, however, they were not too humble to

of its bills to be ratified there, but the British Parliament still persisted in exercising an original jurisdiction in Ireland, and to bind that kingdom by laws made in England, without any concurrence asked or obtained from the colonial legislature. It was always the firm resolve, both of the king and of the people of England, to deny and trample upon these assumed pretensions of their colony in Ire land to be an independent kingdom.

The reader will suppose that the English government should not have been very jealous of any power with which the Protestant Ascendency might be armed, when they so faithfully turned those arms against the civil and religious liberties of their Catholic countrymen. The Irish Parliament, however, presumed rather too much on its past services to England. Though they were so obedient as to forge chains for the Catholics, they should not flatter themselves with the liberty of making their own laws or regulating their own slaves. They were, for the future, to consider themselves as the humbled agents of an English Government, prompt at every call which national jealousy would give to inflict or to suspend the torture.

In short, the Irish Protestant Ascendency was soon to be taught that it was the mere agent of English empire, and must aspire to no other freedom than the freedom to oppress and trample upon the ancient Irish nation. "Your ancestors,” said Mr. Curran to the Irish Parliament a

hundred years after "Your ancestors dependence." The king promptly replied thought themselves the oppressors of "that he would take care that what was their fellow-subjects-but they were only complained of might be prevented and retheir gaolers; and the justice of Provi-dressed as the Commons desired." Such dence would have been frustrated if their was the extreme political depression of own slavery had not been the punishment Ireland, that this haughty procedure ocof their vice and of their folly." This casioned no visible resentment in her parappeared very plainly when Mr. William liament, although the leaven of the docMolyneux, one of the members for Dublin trines of Molyneux was still working in University, published, in 1698, his work men's minds; was afterwards improved entitled "The case of Ireland being bound by Swift and Lucas, and at length became by Acts of Parliament in England stated," irresistible, and ripened into an indepena production which owes its fame rather dent Irish Parliament in 1782. Meanto the indignant sensation it made in time the proscribed Catholics took no inEngland, than to any peculiar merits of terest in the controversy at all, and seemed its own. It professed to discuss the insensible to its progress. As the exprinciples of government and of human cellent Charles O'Conor, of Belanagar, society, and was, in fact, more abstrate afterwards in the midst of the commotions and metaphysical than legal. It is said excited by Lucas, wrote to a friend: "I that Mr. Molyneux, who was an intimate am by no means interested, nor is any of friend of John Locke, had found his our unfortunate population, in this affair principles in the writings of that philoso- of Lucas. A true patriot would not have pher, and had even submitted his manu- betrayed such malice towards such unscript to Mr. Locke's approval. The es- fortunate slaves as we." And he truly sential part of the book, however, and the adds, "These boasters, the Whigs, wish only practical part, was the distinct asser- to have liberty all to themselves." In tion of the independent power of the Irish short, the two parties then existing in Parliament, as the legislature of a so- Ireland, and termed the court and country vereign state; and consequent denial of parties, were divided mainly upon this the right claimed and exercised by the question: Is the conquered nation to be English Parliament to bind Ireland by its governed and exploited for the sole benefit own enactments. The book at once at- of the colonial interest? or, Are all intracted much attention, and was speedily terests in Ireland, both colonial and nareplied to by two writers, named Carey tive, both Protestant and Catholic, to be and Atwood. A committee of the Eng- subservient and tributary to England? lish Parliament was then appointed to Candour requires it to be stated that of examine the obnoxious pamphlet, and on these two parties, the court and the counthe report of that committee, it was un- try, the former was rather more favourable animously resolved "that the said book to the down-trodden Catholics; a fact of was of dangerous consequence to the which several examples will soon have to crown, and to the people of England," etc. be related. At that moment the court The House, in a body, presented an ad-party held the sway, and the English dress to the king, setting forth what they Parliament ruled all. called the bold and pernicious assertions contained in the aforesaid publication, which they declared to have been "more fully and authentically affirmed by the votes and proceedings of the House of Commons in Ireland, during their late sessions, and more particularly by a bill transmitted under the great seal of Ireland, entitled 'An act for the better security of his majesty's person and government;' whereby an act of parliament made in England was pretended to be re-enacted, and divers alterations therein made; and they assured his majesty of their ready concurrence and assistance to preserve and maintain the dependence and subordination of Ireland to the imperial crown of this realm; and they humbly besought his majesty that he would discourage all things which might in any degree lessen or impair that

The English were not disposed to let their predominance remain without practical fruits, as appeared in the proceedings touching the woollen trade of Ireland. During the few first years of William's reign, there being then abundance of sheep in Ireland, and also much cheap labour, considerable progress was made in the manufacture of woollen cloths; these fabrics were exported in some quantity to foreign countries, and in many cases the Irish manufacturer was enabled to undersell the English. But England was then using great exertions to obtain the entire control of this gainful trade; and the competition of Ireland gave great umbrage. It is true that the woollen-trade in Ireland, and all the profits of its export and sale, were in the hands of the English colonists, and that the colonial parliament in Dublin would fain have extended

It is noticeable that these navigation acts were not new; they had existed before the last Revolution, and had been repealed by the excellent parliament of 1689, under King James, consisting indifferently of Catholics and Protestants, and really representing an Irish nationthat same parliament which had also enacted perfect liberty for all religions, and had swept away a most foul mass of penal laws from the statute-book; but on the failure of the cause of the Stuarts, all the enactments of that parliament were ignored, and the penal laws and restrictions on trade re-appeared in full force.

and protected it if they had been per- to Ireland until after it should have first mitted. But here, again, the English entered an English port, and been unpower stepped in, and controlled every loaded there. The object of these laws, thing according to its own interest. The of course, was to secure to English mertwo Houses of Lords and Commons ad- chants and shipowners a monopoly of all dressed King William, urging that some such trade, and they had the desired immediate remedy must be found against effect, so that a few years afterwards, the the obnoxious trade in Ireland. The Dean of St. Patrick's could truly write: Lords, after detailing the intolerable op- "The conveniency of ports and harbours, pression which was inflicted upon deserv- which nature had bestowed so liberally ing industrious people in England, ex- upon this kingdom, is of no more use to pressed themselves thus: "Wherefore, us than a beautiful prospect to a man we most humbly beseech your most sacred shut up in a dungeon." majesty, that your majesty would be pleased, in the most public and effectual way that may be, to declare to all your subjects of Ireland, that the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture that hath long been, and will be ever, looked upon with great jealousy by all your subjects of this kingdom, and if not timely remedied, may occasion very strict laws totally to prohibit and suppress the same.' Probably no more shameless avowal of British greediness was ever made, even by the parliament of England. But the king replied at once that he would do all that in him lay to discourage the woollen manufacture of Ireland;" in other words, to ruin his subjects of that island. The Irish Parliament was now also assembled in Dublin. The Earl of Galway and two others were lords-justices; and they, pursuant to their instructions, recommended to parliament to adopt means for putting a stop to the woollen manufacture, and to encourage the linen. The Commons, in their address, meekly replied, that "they shall heartily endeavour" to encourage the linen trade; and as to the woollen, they tamely express their hope to find such a temperament that the same may not be injurious to England. The temperament they found was in the acts which were passed in the following year, 1699, which minutely regulated everything relating to wool. In the first place, all export of Irish woollen cloths was prohibited, except to England and Wales. The exception was delusive, because heavy duties, amounting to a prohibition, prevented Irish cloth from being imported into England or Wales. Irish wool, thereafter, had to be sent to England in a raw state, to be woven in Yorkshire; and even this export was cramped by appointing one single English port, Barnstable, as the only point where it could legally enter. All attempts at foreign commerce in Ireland were at this time impeded, also, by the Navigation Laws," which had long prohibited all direct trade between Ireland and the colonies; no colonial produce, under those laws, could be carried

With such a deliberate system in full operation, not only to put down the political pretensions, but to destroy the trade of Ireland, and all enforced directly by English statutes, it will be seen that the country party, which so proudly claimed national independence, had but very slender chances at that time. Another event still further illustrated this fact. The English Parliament, which was continually importuned by the king for grants of money to carry on his darling war against Louis XIV., found that the immense amount of confiscated lands, forfeited by the "rebellion" (as the national war was called), had been squandered upon King William's favourites, or leased at insufficient rents, also a small portion of it restored to its owners who had satisfied the government that they were innocent. That parliament therefore resolved, before making any more grants of money, to inquire how the forfeitures had been made available for the public service. A commission was appointed by a vote of parliament for this purpose, and at the same time to provide for a grant of a million and a half sterling, for military and naval expenses. The form of this commission was itself an intimation that nothing less was contemplated than re sumption of all the lands granted by special favour of the king. This was very hard upon his majesty, and he regarded the proceeding with sour and silent displeasure; for, in fact, he had granted out

of these forfeitures immense estates to | Levinge to be the author of certain William Bentinck, whom he created Lord groundless and scandalous aspersions resWoodstock, to Ginkell, Lord Athlone, and pecting the commissioners who had signed others of his Dutch friends;-especially, the report, and to commit him, thereupon, he had bestowed over 95,600 acres on Mrs. prisoner to the Tower. There were long Elizabeth Villiers, Countess of Orkney, a and acrimonious debates upon this queslady who, in the words of Lord Macaulay, tion; a sharp address to the king, in pur"had inspired William with a passion suance of the sense of the majority, and a which had caused much scandal and un- submissive answer from his majesty, dehappiness in the little court of the Hague" claring that he was not led by inclination, -where, in fact, his lawful wife resided. but thought himself obliged, in justice, If the consideration of the grant was of to reward those who had served well, the kind here intimated, it must be allowed and particularly in the reduction of that William paid the lady royally, out of Ireland, out of the estates forfeited others' estates. The commissioners fur- to him by the rebellion there. And the ther report great corruption and bribery House resolved, in reply, "that whoever in the matter of procuring pardons, advised his majesty's answer to the Adand astonishing waste and destruction, dress of the House has used his utmost especially of the fine woods, which had endeavour to create a misunderstanding covered wide regions of the island. The and jealousy between the king and his drift of their report is, that the whole of people." The Bill of Resumption" of the dealings with those confiscated lands the forfeited estates finally passed, after were one foul and monstrous job. vehement opposition, and received the reHere, it is to be remarked that this in-luctant royal assent on the 11th of April, quiry and report were by no means in the interest of the plundered Catholics, the right owners of all those estates; on the contrary, one of the points dwelt on most bitterly by the commissioners was the restoration of a small portion of them to Catholic proprietors, under what the commissioners considered delusive pretences; and the resumption which they contemplated was to have the effect of again taking away those wrecks and remnants of the property of Catholics which had been redeemed out of the general ruin. The English House of Commons, in a violent ferment, immediately resolved "that a bill be brought in to apply all the forfeited estates and interests in Ireland, and all grants thereof, and of the rents and re-estates in Ireland by the English Parliavenues belonging to the crown within that kingdom since the 13th February, 1689, to the use of the public." Then a "Court of Delegates" was appointed to determine claims; and it was resolved by the House "that they would not receive any petitions whatever against the provisions of this bill." The report of the commission had been signed only by four commissioners out of seven, namely, by Annesley, Trenchard, Hamilton, and Langford, the other three having dissented. The House, therefore, came to the resolution, that Francis Annesley, John Trenchard, James Hamilton, and Henry Langford, Esqs., had acquitted themselves with understanding, courage, and integrity; which was an implied censure on the Earl of Drogheda, Sir Francis Brewster, and Sir Richard Levinge, the three dissentient commissioners; and the House went so far as to vote Sir Richard

1700, on which day his majesty prorogued the Houses, without any speech, thinking there was no room for the usual expressions of satisfaction and gratitude; and not choosing to give any public proof of discontent or resentment. In all these parliamentary disputes there was not the least question of the rights or claims of any Irish Catholic; nor does it appear that there would have been the slightest opposition to any scheme which concerned merely the resumption of lands restored to them. The biographer of William remarks, "that no transaction during the reign of this monarch so pressed upon his spirits, or so humbled his pride, as the resumption of the grants of the forfeited

ment." This may be easily believed; but it is to be remarked, that we find no such opinion from King William's enthusiastic biographer when he was called on to set his seal to the legislative violations of the Treaty of Limerick. He could ill bear to deprive his Dutch courtiers of their Irish estates; but it was of small moment to him to beggar and oppress millions of Irishmen, in violation of his own plighted faith.

In his private despatches to Lord Galway, shortly after the rising of parliament, the king says: "You may judge what vexation all their extraordinary proceedings gave me; and I assure you, your being deprived of what I gave you with so much pleasure is not the least of my griefs. I never had more occasion than at present for persons of your capacity and fidelity. I hope I shall find opportunities to give you marks of my esteem and friendship."

The short remainder of William's reign of our enemies by your unanimity. I have was occupied chiefly with negotiations on shown, and will always show, how desirous the continent; and with oscillations of I am to be the common father of all my his policy between the Whig and Tory people. Do you, in like manner, lay aside parties; according to the use which he parties and divisions. Let there be no thought he could make of those parties other distinction heard of among us for respectively in promoting his views the future, but of those who are for the against France-the only use which he Protestant religion and the present estabcould ever see in English parties, to say lishment, and of those who mean a popish nothing of Irish ones. The peace of prince and a French government. If you Ryswick was signed in 1697; but in 1701, do in good earnest desire to see England King James died at St. Germains; and hold the balance of Europe, and to be inhis son (afterwards called the Pretender) deed at the head of the Protestant interest, was recognized as King James III. of it will appear by your right improving England by the king and court of France, the present opportunity." The king who paid their visits of condolence and meant by voting large supplies for war congratulation at the Court of St. Ger- with France. But King William was at mains. King William immediately re- the end of his wars; he was destined never called his ambassador from Paris; and to make any more of his famous retreats again there was the evident and imminent necessity of a new war with France; which was all that King William lived for. He was not, however, to live much longer.

before French marshals; and he died in little more than two months after this speech, 8th of March, 1702, his death having been hastened by a fall from his horse in riding from Kensington to Hampton The death of the young Duke of Glou- Court. His death was little regretted, cester, son of the Princess Anne, about save in Holland, by anybody; even by the the same time with that of King James squires of the "Ascendency" in Ireland, II., gave occasion to the Act of Parlia who long toasted in their cups his ment-the last act of this reign-by which" glorious, pious, and immortal memory." the crown of England was settled on the House of Hanover, after the demise of Anne. This act was repeated, as it were, mechanically, by the servile parliament of the Irish colony. But though a highly important settlement of the sovereign authority, it does not seem to have aroused the smallest interest in the mass of the Irish people. It seemed now to be their opinion, and indeed the opinion was just, that it mattered nothing to them for the future whether Stuarts or Hanoverians should rule in England. They had had bitter experience of the one dynasty; and did not know that they were yet to have a more terrible experience of the other.

King William had fallen into very bad health; but still occupied himself in vast projects concerning his great concern,

the destinies of Europe." His speech, on the assembling of his last parliament, the last day of the year 1701, will show how his active mind was occupied to the last. 66 I persuade myself," said the king, "that you are met together, full of that just sense of the common danger of Europe, and that resentment of the late proceedings of the French king, which has been so fully and universally expressed in the loyal and seasonable addresses of my people. The eyes of all Europe are upon this parliament; all matters are at a stand till your resolutions are known. Let me conjure you to disappoint the only hopes

He had no personal quality that could endear him to any human being, unless the common quality of personal bravery may be so accounted. His religion was hatred to Papists; his fair fame was stained by faithlessness and cruelty, and he will be forever named in history, the Treatybreaker of Limerick and the assassin of Glencoe.

CHAPTER V.

1702-1704.

Queen Anne.-Rochester lord-lieutenant.—Ormond

lord-lieutenant.-War on the continent.-Successes under Marlborough.-Second formal breach of the Treaty of Limerick.-Bill to prevent the further growth of Popery.-Clause against the Dissenters. -Catholic lawyers heard against the bill-Pleading of Sir Toby Butler.-Bill passed.-Object of the Penal Laws-To get hold of the property of Catholics. Recall of the Edict of Nantes.-Irish on the continent.-Cremona.

THE Princess Anne, generally called at that time Anne of Denmark, because she was the wife of the Prince of Denmark, succeeded William on the throne of the three kingdoms. She was the daughter of King James II., in vindication of whose rights the Irish nation had fought so desperately, and suffered so cruelly. She was acknowledged as queen, avowedly as