secretary. He had been nearly twelve liament was in the midst of its struggle months in the government of Ireland for limited Parliaments and against the before he met the Parliament, on the 12th pension list. The next year the Stamp of October, 1773. Act had been repealed, but had been soon followed by the attempt to impose "port duties." The steady organized resistance of the Americans had caused the British ministry to relinquish these port duties also, except the duty on tea, in the year 1770. The question between the mother-country and the colonies being thus reduced to a matter of threepence per pound on tea, the colonists being once aroused, having laid down the principle, "No taxation without representation," would not pay that threepence. A year after Lord Harcourt came to Ireland as viceroy, the people of Boston emptied a cargo of taxed tea into the harbour of that port; and in the course of the following year, 1774, Edmund Burke made one of his first celebrated speeches, in favour of a repeal of the tea duty, in the British Parliament. The motion had been made by Mr. Fuller, member for Rye, but failed, though it was supported by the eloquence of Burke; and the House, we are told, was very much amused and delighted by the ingenious declamation of that extraordinary orator, while he eulogized his friend, Lord Rockingham and his government, and ridiculed in his peculiar style the present cabinet-" An administration so checkered and speckled, a piece of joinery so crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed; a cabinet so variously inlaid, such a piece of diversified mosaic, such a tessellated pavement without cement, here a bit of black stone, there a bit of white," etc. But though there was much laughter and cheering, the motion to repeal the tea duty was lost on a division of 184 against 51. If it be any comfort to us, the fact is certain that the British Parliament of that day was fully as servile as the Irish, and very much more stupid. The first stand made by the Patriots was upon an alarm at the intention of Government, in laying the public accounts | before the House, to hold back some of the documents which would too palpably bring to light the means used by the last viceroy for insuring a majority to do the king's business. After the House had ordered the different accounts and estimates to be laid before it, an amendment was proposed to add these words: "As far as there are materials for that purpose. A division took place, and the amendment was carried by 88 against 52. Thus it was left in the discretion of the clerks, or rather of the Government, to bring forward or hold back what materials they chose. Lord Harcourt's administration is remarkable for the first proposal to impose an absentee-tax on non-resident Irish landlords. This proposal came from the crown; and it was to the effect that a tax of two shillings in the pound should be laid on the nett rental of landed property in Ireland, to be paid by all persons who should not reside in that kingdom for six months in each year, from Christmas, 1773, to Christmas, 1775. The proposal being against the interest of England, was evidently not sincere on the part of Government: all officials were left at perfect liberty to support it or not: the interest of the great landlords was against it; and the only wonder was that it was defeated by so small a majority, 122 against 102. But we have now arrived at an epoch in the history of the world from which many things in modern history take their departure. It has been thought needful to go into some detail to show the miserable and abject condition of Ireland at this precise period, in order to make more apparent the wonderful change soon produced by the reflection and reverberation of the great American revolution. CHAPTER XVII. 1774-1777. It was evident that the last resort of war had nearly arrived; and the very strong analogies which existed between the American colonies and the Irish colony were quite sufficient to occasion in the latter country not only an intense interest, but a deep sympathy also in the American struggle. The situation of the two countries was not indeed precisely alike. The North American colonies had had never pretended to be a kingdom, as the English colony in Ireland did. Ireland was not taxed absolutely without representation, although the dependent position of her Parliament, under PoynTHE American "Stamp Act" had been ing's Law, made her representation quite passed in 1765, just while the Irish Par-illusory for any efficient security. The American affairs.-Comparison between Ireland and the Colonies.-Contagion of American opinions in Ireland-Paltry measure of relief to Catholics. Congress at Philadelphia.-Address of Congress to Ireland.-Encouragement to Fisheries.-4000 Octennial Parliament dissolved.-Grattan.-Lord Buckingham, Viceroy.-Successes of the Ameri "armed negotiators."-Financial distress.-First cans. American colonists were then about three was but their passive tool) had blasted millions in number; the Irish, only half these two scions of indulgence in their a million-for the two millions of Catho- first shoot, yet the British ministry sent lics were not counted as members of the over positive and uncontrollable orders body politic. Ireland was within easy that some act of the legislature should reach and striking distance of the com-positively be passed in that session, of a mon enemy, and America was divided soothing and conciliatory tendency to the from her by three thousand miles of Catholics, well imagining that the breadth ocean-no trifling advantage in the days of the Atlantic would not prevent the inwhen steam navigation was not. Above fection of political discontent in persons all, America had this one great and signal equally suffering a deprivation of that advantage over Ireland, that the colonists, nutriment and support which their conthough of different religions, were all equal stitution required for the preservation of before the law, and felt themselves equally their existence. On the 5th of March, concerned in the common interest. They 1774, therefore, leave was given to bring were also all armed and accustomed to in a bill to enable his majesty's subjects, the use of weapons, while in Ireland the of whatever persuasion, to testify their penal laws had effectually disarmed and allegiance to him; and as the bill rereduced to a state of utter helplessness mitted no part of the then existing code four-fifths of the entire population. of severity, but accorded merely a permission to the Catholics of expressing their allegiance to their sovereign, which before they had not, it passed both Houses without obstruction or opposition. Of this measure, paltry as it was, and even insulting, when coupled with the rejection of the bills to allow Catholics to take mortgages or leases, Mr. Plowden observes-It gratified the Catholics, inasmuch as it was a formal recognition that they were subjects, and to this recognition they looked up as to the cornerstone of their future emancipation." There was, however, quite sufficient resemblance between the cases of the two countries to disquiet Lord North's administration very considerably. The minister, therefore, wisely, though silently, instructed the lord-lieutenant to endeavour by all means to soothe and engage the affections of the Catholics by gradual relaxations of the rigorous code of penalties, pains, and disabilities, under which they had so long and so patiently suffered. As early, therefore, in the session as the 10th of November, 1773,* leave was given to bring in the heads of It cannot fail to strike every reader a bill to secure the repayment of money that whatever miserable indulgences, that should be really lent and advanced tolerations, or connivances were extended by Papists to Protestants on mortgages to the Catholics during all the era of the of lands, tenements, and hereditaments; penal laws, were carefully calculated to and that it might be understood to be a prevent them from getting any hold upon Government measure of grace, Mr. Mason, the land. Thus they were now permitted Sir Lucias O'Brien, and Mr. Langrishe, to testify allegiance if they chose, but great and determined supporters of could in no case take a mortgage on real Government, were ordered to bring it in.† estate, because mortgages are often foreOn the preceding day leave had been given closed, and the mortgagee becomes ento bring in heads of a bill to enable titled to the land. They might attend Papists, upon certain terms and provisoes, mass, but could by no means be allowed to take leases of lives, of lands, tenements, to have a lease for lives. Mr. Burke, in and hereditaments; but neither one a letter written in 1775,* ascribes this or the other of these bills at that time policy not so much to the greedy deterproceeded. The Irish antipathies to mination of Protestants to own all the Popery, and the reluctance of most men wealth of the kingdom as to mere in place or power in Ireland to do justice arrogance and insolence. He says, to the Catholics, deterred the easy "From what I have observed, it is pride, mind of Lord Harcourt from pushing arrogance, a spirit of domination, and not forward what they persuaded him a bigoted spirit of religion, that has would create difficulties and dis- caused and kept up those oppressive turbances in Parliament, and inter- statutes. I am sure I have known those, rupt that easy and quiet majority which who have oppressed Papists in their civil Government then enjoyed, and which he rights, exceedingly indulgent to them in had it strongly in command to keep up their religious ceremonies; and who by all possible and prudent means. Al-wished them to continue, in order to though the managers of the English furnish pretences for oppression; and who interest in Ireland (this lord-lieutenant never saw a man by conforming escape 9 Com. Journ., p. 28. † Ibid., p. 27. Letter to an Irish Peer. which in prejudicing that kingdom, served only to favour the adventures of British contractors. This embargo, combined with other causes, which were invariable and permanent, produced the most melancholy effects. Wool and black cattle fell considerably in value, as did also land;. and rents in many places could scarcely be collected, so much was public credit essentially injured. In short, it was again judged necessary, in presence of these exciting questions of America, "to do something for poor Ireland," as the phrase then ran. out of their power, but with grudging and regret. I have known men, to whom I am not uncharitable in saying, though they are dead, that they would become Papists in order to oppress Protestants, if being Protestants it was not in their power to oppress Papists." But whosoever has read the narrative of events down to the time at which we are now arrived, will scarcely resist the conclusion that the controlling idea in all the policy of the Ascendency was simple greediness. Meanwhile the dispute with America was very fast approaching the arbitrement of war. The first general Congress The nature of the benefit, however, was had been opened in Philadelphia on the to be considered, and nothing could seem 4th of September, 1774. All eyes in Ire- better adopted than a donation, which land were turned to this impending would be an advantage instead of a loss struggle, and the obvious community of to the giver. It was not itself very coninterest which Ireland had with those siderable, but it might be considered as a Transatlantic colonies, made their case beginning; and small benefits carry the theme of conversation in private weight with those who have not been circles, as well as of debates in Parlia-habituated to great favours. It had been ment. The attention of the country was shown to the British Parliament, that the still more strongly aroused when the Con-exports from England to Ireland amountinental Congress, amongst other forcible ted then to £2,400,000 annually; besides addresses issued at this time, directed one the latter supported a large standing to the "People of Ireland." army, at all times ready for the defence "We are desirous of the good opinion of the former; and immense sums of her of the virtuous and humane. We are pe-ready cash were spent in England by culiarly desirous of furnishing you with her numerous absentees, pensioners, and the true state of our motives and objects; placemen; yet by oppressive restrictions the better to enable you to judge of our in trade, Ireland was cut off from the conduct with accuracy and determine the benefit of her great natural staple commerits of the controversy with impar-modity, as well as excluded from the tiality and precision. Your Parliament advantage that she might derive from the had done us no wrong. You had ever peculiarity of her situation. been friendly to the rights of mankind; The British minister, on the 11th of and we acknowledge with pleasure and October, 1775, moved for a committee of gratitude that your nation has produced the whole House to consider the encourpatriots who have nobly distinguished agement proper to be given to the fisherthemselves in the cause of humanity ies of Great Britain and Ireland.* and America." In fact, most of the lead-attention to Ireland was generally aping members of the opposition in both proved of, and after some conversation on countries (who afterwards composed that the hardships that country suffered, it administration which put an end to the was proposed by Mr. Burke to extend American war) opposed the war upon the motion, by adding the words "trade principle; they inveighed against the and commerce;" and thereby afford an unconstitutional exactions of the ministry, opportunity to grant such relief and and in their debates went very little short indulgence in those exports, as might be of formally justifying the American re-done without prejudice to Great Britain. bellion. The analogy between America The minister objected to this; however, and Ireland was too close to pass unnoticed; and the defection of the American * An English minister was always obliged to be colonies produced strong effects upon extremely cautious in approaching any measure for the encouragement of the Irish fisheries. It was Ireland. The exportation of Irish linen in the reign of William the Third that certain fishfor America had been very considerable; ermen in Folkestone and Aldborough, in the south but now this great source of national of England, presented mournful petitions to Parliawealth was totally shut up, by an extra-ment, stating that they suffered from Ireland by the Irish catching herrings at Waterford and Wexordinary stretch of prerogative. Under ford! and sending them to the Straits, and thereby the pretext of preventing the Americans forestalling and ruining the petitioners' markets. from being supplied with provisions from These impudent fishermen had, as Hutchison says, this country, an embargo was laid on the the hard lot of having motions which were made in their favour, rejected.-See the Commercial Reexportation of provisions from Ireland,straints, p. 126. This which was now, on most questions, irresistible (though there were reserved questions, as the origination of money-bills), carried the measure for granting the four thousand men, on the terms that they should not be a charge to the Irish revenue while serving abroad. There was much objection made by the Patriots, to sending these troops "to cut the throats of the Americans;" and there were many expressions of sympathy and respect towards the colonists, in the course of the debate; but the measure was carried. Mr. Flood, indeed, whose conduct is not clear of the imputation of corruption, voted to send the four thousand men "as armed negotiators "-such was his cold and cruel expression.* the committee in its progress granted several bounties to the ships of Great Britain and Ireland, for their encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and it was further resolved in favour of Ireland, that it should be lawful to export from thence clothes and accoutrements for such regiments on the Irish establishment as were employed abroad: and, also, that a bounty of five shillings per barrel should be allowed on all flax seeds imported into Ireland. This last resolution was passed to prevent the evils that were apprehended there, from the cutting off their great American source of supply in that article. Another resolution was also passed, by which Ireland was allowed to export provisions, hooks, lines, nets, and tools for the But although the Irish Parliament gave implements of the fishery. The com- these troops, it would not accept the Hesmittee also agreed to the granting of sians. Much to the surprise and embounties for encouraging the whale fish-barrassment of Government, the second ery in those seas that were to the south- proposition for introducing foreign troops ward of Greenland and Davis's Straits fisheries: and, upon the same principle, took off the duties that were payable upon the importation of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, etc. They also took off the duty that was payable upon the importation of seal skins. A part of the policy of this petty measure was to give to Ireland some portion of the benefits of which the war would deprive America. Mr. Burke, on this occasion, while he thanked Lord North for the trifling boon to his country, took occasion to say "that however desirous he might be to promote any scheme for the advantage of Ireland he would be much better pleased that the benefits thus held out should never be realized, than that Ireland should profit at the expense of a country which was, if possible, more oppressed than herself." But, strong as was the sympathy between Ireland and America, and earnestly as the mass of the people-both Catholic and Protestant-wished success to the patriotic colonists, the Government was determined to place the two oppressed countries as far as possible in a position of, at least, apparent antagonism. With this view, Lord Harcourt, in the year 1775 --just as hostilities had commenced at Lexington-demanded the services of four thousand men, out of the twelve thousand which then constituted the effective force of regular troops in Ireland, to be dispatched to America, for duty there. At the same time, the lord-lieutenant said it was his gracious Majesty's intention to supply the place of the four thousand men with foreign Protestant soldiers-in short, with Hessians. The Court party, into that kingdom was negatived by nearly as large a majority as the first was carried; namely, by 106 against 68. The House, accordingly, voted an address to his excellency, expressive of their sense and resolution upon this subject, and stating "that, with the assistance of the Government, his majesty's loyal people of Ireland may be able so to exert themselves as to make such aid at this juncture unnecessary." This conduct of the Irish Commons is of singular importance in the History of Ireland, inasmuch as it was the first patriotic step taken by the representatives of the people towards attaining that state of civil liberty which was obtained by the nation in what Mr. Burke called "their revolution of 1782." In truth, the address to Lord Harcourt, in which the legislature promised for the people that they would exert themselves, and make foreign soldiers unnecessary, already distinctly foreshadowed the volunteering. When the four thousand troops were designated for this American service, an In the tremendous phillipic pronounced by Grattan against Flood, in 1783, he thus deals with Mr. Flood's vote of 1775: "With regard to the liberties of America, which were inseparable from ours, I will suppose this gentleman to have been an enemy decided and unreserved; and that he voted dress to send four thousand Irish troops to cut the against her liberty, and voted, moreover, for an adthroats of the Americans; that he called these butchers armed negotiators; and stood, with a metaphor in his mouth and a bribe in his pocket, a champion against the rights of America, the only hope of Ireland, and the only refuge of the liberties of mankind."--(Select Speeches of Grattan, Duffy's edition, p. 104.) The allusion to the "bribe" meant that Flood had lately accepted an office under Lord Harcourt's administration." 116 HISTORY OF IRELAND. honourable action deserves to be recorded: with one voice to put an end to the perthe Earl of Effingham, finding that the nicious practice of accumulating debts, regiment in which he served was destined and they thought it their duty to accomto act against the colonies, thought it in-plish that necessary end by first endeaconsistent with his character and unbecom- voring to raise the revenue of the kingdom ing his dignity to enforce measures with his sword which he had condemned in his legislative capacity. He therefore wrote a letter to the Secretary at War, resigning his command in the army, and stating his reasons for it. This conduct rendered that nobleman extremely popular, and the city of Dublin, at the Midsummer quarter assembly, voted public thanks to Lord Effingham, "for having, consistently with the principles of a true Englishman, refused to draw his sword against the lives and liberties of his fellow-subjects in America." Soon after, an address of thanks, in fuller terms, was presented to him from the guild of merchants of Dublin: the latter also presented an address of thanks to the several peers, who (as they said) "in support of the constitution, and in opposition to a weak and wicked administration, protested against the American Restraining Bills." This address, with the several answers of the lords to whom it was presented, appeared at that time in the public papers, and produced a very strong sensation throughout the nation. But on the other hand, we find that great Irish Whig, Lord Rawdon, afterwards Lord Moira, serving zealously in America against the rebels; and it is not without a feeling of shame that Irishmen can ever read on that same list the name of Lord Edward Fitzgerald. to an equality with the establishment." They said that economy was promised; that there had been no economy, but a continual increase in the expenses. They added, that could they neglect the most essential interests of themselves, their constituents, and their posterity, still their duty to his majesty would prevent them from suffering the resources of his majesty's power and dignity to dwindle and decay; and that they were the more necessitated to make that earnest application, because the evils they suffered were not temporary or occasional; because they could not attribute them to any physical evil, or proud national exertion, but to a silent, wasting, and invisible cause, which had injured the people, without adding strength to the crown. That they therefore performed that indispensable duty of laying their distresses at the foot of the throne, that history might not report them a nation which in the midst of peace, and under a gracious king, equally ready to warn and relieve, proceeded deliberately to their own ruin, without one to appeal to the wisdom which would have redressed them. And so they appealed from the temporary expedients of his majesty's ministers to his own wisdom and virtues, and to that permanent interest which his majesty had, and ever would have, in the welfare of his people. even to servility. But though it did not This address was extremely respectful, mention the exorbitant pension-list, nor the universal corruption and bribery which then were carried on by means of the public money, it told too much truth, and was too undeniable to be endured. Therefore the Government made a point of defeating it, and succeeded. An address was carried in its place, thanking the lord-lieutenant "for his prudent, just, and wise administration." The remainder of Lord Harcourt's made a just but ungracious and ineffec |