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tains were induced to submit, their submission was always received as a compliment, not as a matter of right, and was rewarded by titles and very considerable grants of land. Nothing essential was asked of thein in return. Leland acknowledges that all their princely possessions and rights were guaranteed to them; and says, that "so little did they apprehend that their present engagements would produce any essential regulation of their territories, that they still governed their followers by the usual course of Brehon law."

However unwarrantable by any prior right, this interference was, and however calculated to rouse the resistance of the Irish chieftains, still it might at last have produced the general reformation of Ireland, by establishing the English constitution and laws, in place of the barbarous usages of the Irish, if such had been the real object of the English.

But the English of those days, if they regarded the welfare of Ireland at all, regarded it with a malignant eye; their objects were to gratify their avarice as well as pride, to pillage as well as to tyrannize

When they invaded the independent privileges of the Irish princes, and chose to consider their resistance as rebellion; had they contented themselves with abolishing the power and exactions of these princes, and extended to their wretched vassals, the protection, the security, and perfect freedom of the English constitution and English law; had they given them that interest in their lands which arises from the rule of lineal descent, instead of the barbarous mode established by the Irish Brehon laws; they would have fairly won from these chieftains, the devotion of their subjects, and might have despised the resentment of these ancient dynasties, when bankrupt in the affection of their followers.

But intent only on pillage, their usurpation was so ruinous, that it gave to the native tyrannies, grievous as they were, a preference which animated every heart and hand in their defence, and from this æra, the animosity of the Irish became more general and more virulent.

For the English not only invaded the privileges of the native princes, but they confiscated the lands of their vassals.

Though the Irish chieftains exacted much from their wretched followers, still it was under the authority of certain laws, and something was left; the English swept away every thing.

This gave the Irish clans a clear interest in supporting their chieftains, this was the impulse that began, this gave the energy that supported the succeeding rebellion. What idle misrepresentation is it to suppress a cause so intelligible-so powerful, and to ascribe its effect to religion!

It was in the reign of Edward VI. that the solid foundation of the succeeding rebellion was first laid, by the confiscation of the lands of Leix and Offalia, now in the Queen and King's counties.

This important event is thus briefly related by historians.

Upon the accession of Edward VI. O'Moor, prince of Leix, and O'Connor, prince of Offalia, drew the sword on pretence of some injury received. The Lord Deputy defeated them, ravaged their territory, seized on the lands, and drove out the old inhabitants. The chieftains themselves were induced to surrender and to

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attend the Deputy to England, under the tacit promise not only of pardon, but the grant of the same favors and honors which Henry VIII. had bestowed on the chieftains who surrendered to him. Instead of this promise being fulfilled, they were thrown into prison, their lands (i. e. the lands of the whole sept) were declared forfeited and granted to the very officers who had induced them to surrender. O'Moor died in prison, O'Connor attempting to escape was subjected to a strict and severe confinement. The new proprietors established their settlements by fire and sword, the most powerful members of these great septs were enlisted into the army in England, while the insurrections of the poorer proprietors were chastised by the forces quartered in the country.

Two whole counties disposed of in this cavalier manner, two principalities extinguished at a blow, and two tribes reduced to beggary, were sufficient causes to produce a general alarm among every sept, as well as in all the chieftains in Ireland.

These circumstances appear sufficient to prove that a very small part of the origin

of these wars is to be ascribed to religion, which, if we except the petty, insurrection of the family of Fitz-Eustace (and this is not a very clear case) seems to have had very little influence on events during this reigu. But we must be allowed to dwell a little longer on the subject; for where new principles are advanced, to account for historical events of distant date, they cannot be supported by too many illus

trations.

Let it then be considered, that this invasion of the rights of the Irish chieftains, and the resistance which it is here alleged to have produced, were not events peculiar to Ireland, but had in fact flowed from a general crisis of political improvement, which had taken place successively through every state in Europe. In feudal times every nobleman enjoyed the prerogatives, and in several countries the title of king. Their dependance on their sovereign was for a long time merely feudal and nominal, while their power over their vassals was arbitrary and exclusive. As the power of the crown increased, a struggle necessarily took place, which was the cause of wars through

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