foreseeing the calamities that would flow from such a change, we cannot think ourselves too anxious in protesting against the too frequent introduction of the idea of the King's private feelings and interference on great political questions.

We shall, therefore, with more decency, and more in the spirit of the constitution, consider only the scruples of conscience which may arise in the breasts of his Majesty's ministers, or the two houses of Parliament, from any inconsistency between the coronation oath, and the repeal of the restrictions on the Roman Catholics.

There appears nothing in the literal sense of the oath hostile to the removal of any religious disqualifications imposed upon any seet, when such disqualifications are found to be detrimental to the empire. But as words may be construed into almost any meaning, we will not stand upon these grounds; but suppose that Catholic emancipation is inconsistent with the tenor of the coronation oath.

We will now ask, can any obligation, any oath be valid in the eye of religion and morality, which is grounded on a violation of

an engagement more solemn and sacred? There can be no doubt of the reply: Certainly not.

Then we ask, how can the government plead the coronation oath to perpetuate measures that were enacted in violation of the solemn treaty of Limerick?

That treaty remains a monument of the most flagrant perfidy that ever disgraced a nation; upon the faith of it, the Irish Catholics gave up that power and influence, which you neither will, nor can restore to them. And till that treaty is fulfilled in its most liberal sense, no ingenuity can remove the stain of deliberate perjury from the character of the English nation.

Surely it is a conscience which will strain at gnats, and yet swallow camels, which stickles for an oath of ceremony, doubtful even in the meaning of the animus imponentis; and yet will be content to violate a compact so important as the treaty of Limerick, for which you have received your consideration, and on which millions rested their confidence and their interests.

Surely the conscience of ministers might be affected by the violation of those pledges

given to the Catholics at the time of the Union, (it signifies not whether expressed or implied); surely they might feel compunction at betraying a nation to dishonour, and then with-holding from her the paltry recompense that bribed her to her disgrace.

The men who perpetuate a crime, commit it; and as long as the present or any ministry continue the restrictions on the Irish Roman Catholics, they are deeply responsible for a gross and dishonourable breach of common faith and honesty. It is in vain they attempt to shelter themselves under the plea of the King's personal feelings. It will not be readily supposed that his Majesty, whose principal glory will hereafter rest on the repeal he has made of the severer penal statutes in Ireland, who has seen the happiest effects, in promoting wealth, and the security of property, flow from that repeal, it will not be readily supposed that he can be actuated by the illiberal spirit which his self-named friends, but real enemies, charge to his account.*

* His present Majesty repealed the Act of Parliament, by which Irish Catholics were prevented from purchas

Though we are not inclined in general to violent measures, yet we think that impeachment and imprisonment in the Tower, would be too gentle a punishment for those secret advisers, who have not only unhinged the most delicate springs of the constitution to serve their private views, but have done their best to cast obloquy and contempt on the name of the King---a name which ought never to be compromised on any topic whatever---ought never to be exposed to the common handling of public disquisition.

With what flagrant and impudent misrepresentations must these men have poisoined the King's ear, if they have succeeded in making him perversely hostile to the Irish Roman Catholics---a body of men who have the strongest devotion and attachment not only to his Majesty's po

ing property. The same alarm was felt at that repeal, which is now attempted to be raised on account of a still more liberal repeal; and yet none but the best consequences have followed. The large purchases which the Catholics have made of the forfeited lands, have removed the insecurity which depressed their value, as long as they were possessed exclusively by Protestants.

litical, but to his personal character, and who would set a value on his Majesty's countenance and favour, only inferior to that which they would attach to the benignity of their God.*

We are anxious before we conclude, to give the public the means to form a just estimate of the hardship of the privations which the Irish Catholics experience, the extent of which is not generally understood, and from the supposed insignificance of which, an argument is sometimes drawn against their repeal.

The Catholics, by being excluded from all offices of trust and emolument, lose all political consequence in the country; so that a Potestant of seven hundred a year is more looked up to than a Catholic of seven thousand a year.

By being excluded from sitting in Parliament, they are deprived of the most pre

* We have heard Irish Catholics, who have had only a glimpse of his Majesty's person on Windsor terrace, speak of him with a fervor and delight, which we never witnessed in an Irish Protestant, who only loves his King, as a Dublin coal merchant does a foul wind, because it encreases his monopoly.