inducement, to devote himself to one brave effort for the independence of his country?

It was upon the same feelings he relied, for gaining associates; he spoke to the Ulster Irish, of the severities inflicted on them by Elizabeth, and of the plunder of their property by James.

To Mac Guire, whose father was chieftain of Fermanagh, he represented the ancient power and splendor of his family, pathetically lamented his present difficulties, and pointed his anger against the English, who had despoiled the old and rightful possessors of the island, and planted a race of aliens and foreigners on their property. With the same representation he wrought upon Mac Mahon, Reily, Byrne, * Tyrlogh, and Phelim O'Neil, whose ancestors had, within a no very distant date, been possessed of sovereign power.

These were the men who planned, these the motives that urged and stimulated the country to rebellion; whatever accession it fterwards received from different causes, hese must be considered as the principal, from these, and these alone, it began; had

* The sept of the Byrnes had been cruelly harassed and spoiled by Sir W. Parsons.

L

these not existed, it is problematical, whether the rebellion itself would ever have existed.

Another material cause of the rebellion, which had no connection with religion, was Lord Stafford's resumption of the plan for confiscating the province of Connaught.

The unfortunate landed proprietors had already twice purchased their titles from the crown, yet Stafford did not hesitate to outrage every feeling of humanity, and every rule of justice, by subverting them a third time.

This transaction may not perhaps be the most infamous that ever occurred, but certainly the most infamous act of oppression, that was ever perpetrated by a plea of law, under the sanction of juries. It is uncomfortable to dwell on so abominable an outrage, it is sufficient to observe, that it was in part carried by violence, by fining the sheriffs, imprisoning jurors, and fining them to the amount of 40001. each, by the terrors of Star Chamber, and the presence of the Lord Deputy; yet in the end, the haughty and intemperate spirit of Stafford was forced to bend to the tempest he himself

had raised, and the apprehension of a rebellion put a stop to the project.

The king deduced his claim from an æra so distant as the reign of Henry the third, and when we consider that the attempt had now been thrice repeated, and that upon pretences equally antiquated, the property of the O'Byrnes, in Wicklow, had lately been confiscated; we must not be surprised, that none of the Irish, or old English, felt secure in their possessions.

Let us now consider, how far religion may be considered as a cause of the rebellion.

We have already seen that in James's reign the Catholic religion had assumed a very decided influence on men's minds; in Charles's reign, this continued to encrease; in both reigns it was adverse to the government. In James's reign, we proved, that this arose from the injuries sustained by the professors of that faith, not from the faith itself, let us see if there are any grounds to support the same conclusion during the reign of Charles.

The first important injustice which tended to alienate the minds of the Roinan

Catholics, was the perfidy of Charles, with regard to the celebrated Graces. The Catholics had offered to pay one hundred and twenty thousand pounds for the enactment of certain laws, for the security of toleration, property, and justice; the king accepted their offer, and gave his royal promise, that these laws should be passed. He took their money, and broke his word in the most cruel and insulting manner, and not one of these Graces, though they were so reasonable and wise, that the monarch ought to have been obliged to the subject for suggesting them, was ever granted.

Thus, in addition to the indignation which the Catholics already felt, on account of the penal laws, was added, resentment for the loss of their money, and that bitter vexation, which is always felt by persons conscious of having been duped.

The Catholics felt this treatment more sensibly, because, from the supposed partiality of Charles, to the Popish religion, they had expected protection, countenance, and favour.

* Part of the money was also paid by Protestants, as several of the Graces were of a general nature.

Charles, with that policy, at the same time ungenerous and fruitless, which is ever the resource of tottering power, sacrificed his friends, in hopes of appeasing his enemies. The new English and the Puritans in Ireland, were courted and advanced to every office of trust, while the old English, (mostly Catholics,) who had been in the habit of influencing every affair of moment, were driven from the court with every expression of contumely and contempt. The invidious fine on Catholics, for not frequenting church on Sundays, was perpetually threatened to be imposed, and at length was made a source of revenue, and was commuted by Lord Stafford, for the sum of £20,000. Finally, Sir William Parsons was appointed Lord Chief Justice, and the Catholics could no longer entertain any doubt, but that the Puritans would acquire the same ascendancy in Ireland, which they had already done in England.

To calculate the impression which this conviction must have produced on the minds of Catholics, we ought to look back to the language held by the Puritans of those days, and the sentiments they avowed, when speaking of the Catholics; the inso